The Left Berlin News & Comment

This is the archive template

Stop Heimstaden

Fighting the sell off of homes in Berlin


13/11/2020

“Stop Heimstaden” is a grassroots tenants’ initiative, which was formed on 21 October 2020 as a reaction to the sale of over 130 houses in Berlin to Heimstaden with the support of the Mieter:innengewerkschaft (tenants’ trade union), the IniForum Berlin and further tenants’ initiatives. We are connecting tenants within each house, as well as networking districts by forming local groups.

The initiative consists of tenants of the houses which are being sold. In the last few months, Heimstaden Bostad AB with the help of its contracted investment company Skjerven Group has bought at least 130 apartment buildings in Berlin with 3902 flats at the cost of around 830 million Euros. In total they have probably bought nearly 150 houses and over 4000 flats.

The initiative demands that the right of refusal for the buying of houses in a Milieuschutz (social environment) be granted to a third party which is orientated on public welfare, so that developed neighbourhood structures can be maintained. The sale must be based on the socially acceptable value of the houses and not on current speculation prices.

Further central demands include a political solution for houses taken out of the Milieuschutz and the deployment of active protection for tenants against Heimstaden. We demand that politicians in parliament, and in particular the Berlin senate administration for finance and urban development make more financial resources available for the necessary subsidies for a sale by a socially acceptable company or cooperative.

We demand basically affordable living spaces, the development of a social living culture and the introduction of strong protection for tenants, including small businesses. We demand the end of the sale of the city to investors and speculators like Heimstaden. We are many, we are loud, and we’re sticking together.

Summary of our demands:

  • Affordable living space for all – through the building of more social housing and systematically reconverting of private to public housing

  • A universal ban of converting public housing to private condominiums

  • A universal ban of leaving properties empty, leading to appropriation where appropriate

  • Right to decide for all tenants through tenants’ councils

  • Protection and support of threatened cultural and social projects

  • Implementation of the right to live as a human right

Stop Heimstaden: Tenants fight mega-sale of 4,000 Berlin flats

The residents of Neukölln’s Donaustrasse 107 were in fighting spirit. While they saw off the gloomy weather hanging over their garden party with Glühwein and colourful cakes, they also had a bigger problem to contend with: the grim prospect of falling into the hands of the Scandinavian housing company Heimstaden. “It’s not just about this […]


11/11/2020


The residents of Neukölln’s Donaustrasse 107 were in fighting spirit. While they saw off the gloomy weather hanging over their garden party with Glühwein and colourful cakes, they also had a bigger problem to contend with: the grim prospect of falling into the hands of the Scandinavian housing company Heimstaden.

“It’s not just about this one house, it’s about the sell-off of the cities. Buildings are the new gold,” said one of the tenants, who called herself Lila Fuchs.

Her house is one of 130 which, at the end of September, Heistaden announced it intends to buy. The company plans to spend €830m on a total of almost 4,000 flats.

The deal is so big that now Berlin’s governing Senate has got involved. A joint negotiation committee includes finance secretary Vera Junker (SPD), housing secretary Wenke Christoph (Die Linke), and urban development councillor Jochen Biedermann (Die Grüne). Their aim is to persuade Heimstaden to sign Abwendungsvereinbarungen – ‘avoidance agreements’. [These agreements allow the company to avoid the fate of having the sale blocked by the state, which has a right of first refusal (Vorkaufsrecht) under which it could step in and buy the houses into public ownership. In return the company has to make binding commitments to protect existing tenants — editor’s note.]

“Heimstaden has announced several times that it wants to be seen as a long-term owner and a good landlord in Berlin,” Wenke Christoph told ND. “By signing the Abwendungsvereinbarungen the firm can now put these words into action.”

Bernd Arts, a spokesperson for the company, said: “When purchasing residential buildings in Milieuschutz areas [designated neighbourhoods where special rules apply to protect existing tenants], Heimstaden is offering to sign wide-ranging Abwendungsvereinbarungen with the respective local authorities.

“Forthcoming discussions with politicians will show whether we’re going to find a solution that is acceptable for both sides,” he added.

The Green councillor Jochen Biedermann said that “so far there have been no offers that the district could accept.

“We’ll have to see what comes next,” said Biedermann.

Even exercising the right of first refusal over some smaller packages of buildings, which Heimstaden had already tried to buy this year, has not yet persuaded the company to compromise, according to the Green councillor.

“Central coordination [of the negotiations, which would otherwise be carried out separately by each district of the city] is a new way of doing things that will hopefully become a precedent,” said Gaby Gottwald, a Die Linke politician who sits on the housing committee in the German parliament.

“We mustn’t give an inch when it comes to Abwendungsvereinbarungen. If we start agreeing to special conditions for big institutional investors, we’ll destroy the power of the instrument.”

Katrin Schmidberger, the Green spokesperson for rented housing, said state-owned housing companies had a particular responsibility to make a contribution when it comes to the houses. “The whole governing coalition is now faced with the question of making new state money available,” she said, pointing out that the relevant pot is empty. Schmidberger said the coalition had to show that it “clearly rejects business models that are to the detriment of Berliners.”

In Neukölln alone, Heimstaden wants to buy 27 houses in Milieuschutz areas. For 16 of those, the deadline for the exercise of the right of first refusal is November 23rd. For the rest, there’s about a month more time.

“We suspect that part of the strategy of Heimstaden is to create uncertainty about the [Vorkaufsrecht] deadline,” said Luca Niefanger. “We are orientating ourselves around November 23rd.” He’s a spokesperson for the new coalition Stop Heimstaden, which is working on networking tenants across Berlin.

“It’s going quite impressively. The response is huge,” said Niefanger. Multiple demonstrations had been planned for the coming days. The biggest protest, which took place on Sunday in front of the main Berlin town hall, addressed not just Heimstaden but also the wider sell-off of cities.

“We demand the exercise of the right of first refusal and that politicians find solutions for all houses which are not covered by Milieuschutz,” said Niefanger. Indeed, only about half of the houses are able to benefit from Abwendungsvereinbarungen, he said.

There are, however, repeated examples of tenants winning the day. Take Mehringplatz, for example. On Monday, the state-owned housing company Howoge announced the acquisition of a high-rise complex from an investment fund run by the Luxembourg-based Optimum Asset Management SA.

“I opened a bottle of prosecco straight away,” tenant Daniela Berger told ND. After a negotiation process, a total of 372 flats at Mehringplatz 12-14, Friedrichstr. 246 and Wilhelmstr. 2-6 will now become property of the city. The tenants had alleged serious neglect of the buildings and many flats are said to have been left standing empty.

A delighted Pascal Meiser, a Die Linke parliamentarian said: “For the tenants around Kreuzberg’s Mehringplatz, who are in many respects in need of special protection, this decision finally brings security that they are not once again going to fall victim to ruthless profiteers.”

This report originally appeared in ND and is published here by kind permission of the author. Translation for The Left Berlin by Tom Wills.

Spanish tombs on the outskirts of Dresden and Berlin

We are located in Dresden, capital of Saxony, in what used to be the German Democratic Republic (GDR). Leaving from the north of the city, already where the houses end, we pass under a highway and to the left is the Heidefriedhof, one of the cemeteries that the municipality has.We enter and find a typical […]


We are located in Dresden, capital of Saxony, in what used to be the German Democratic Republic (GDR). Leaving from the north of the city, already where the houses end, we pass under a highway and to the left is the Heidefriedhof, one of the cemeteries that the municipality has.We enter and find a typical German cemetery, with a wide central walk and a dense wooded area on the sides scattered with tombstones.

After walking a few tens of meters along the central promenade, an obelisk with the initials of the Fédération Internationale des Résistants (FIR) is erected. It forms a cauldron from which flames rise. Below, a plate with a text in quite visible letters: “Zum Höchsten der Menschheit emporgestrebt” (Having aspired to the highest of Humanity). From this memorial, turning to the right, a monumental complex with a circular plaza and two promenades begins, which honors the struggle against fascism and reminds us of the horrors of war, an ode to peace and anti-militarism.

The collective tombs of anti-fascist fighters are located in one wing of the complex, the one closest to the FIR’s obelisk. Names are mixed in different languages, most of them are German. But we also find others such as Ángel Álvarez, Santiago Zamuz, Policarpo García-Suárez, Domingo Villanueva or Julio Aristizábal. What are these recorded names doing there? We follow the traces of Operation Bolero-Paprika.

On September 7, 1950, the French Republican Security Companies (CRS), a special police force, entered the homes of dozens of Spanish and Eastern European communists living in France. Thus began Operation Bolero-Paprika. Accused of disturbing public order or of being fifth columnists of the French Republic, they were expelled from the country. A pact between the United States, France and Franco’s Spain in the middle of the Cold War – sent many Republicans who had fought against fascism in Spain and France, against Franco and against Hitler, into a second exile.

A group of about 30 people arrived on September 10 at the border of the German Democratic Republic (GDR), where they began a new life that started in Schleiz and Malchow. Most would go to Dresden and Berlin. In the capital of Saxony, in March 1951, they left their autobiographies collected for the local authorities. This is now compiled in a book entitled “Y el año que viene – ¡En España!” edited by Margarita Banqué. Born in 1949 in France, she was the daughter of Bautista Banqué, one of the first 30 to be expelled. In this book, Ángel Álvarez relates that he was a candidate for deputy for Asturias of the Spanish Communist Party (PCE) in 1933 and then in 1936. He also says that in the GDR he was granted a 70% disability and that the doctors attended to his vertebrae and heart problems. Policarpo García, a furrier born in Madrid and later a partisan in the internal Resistance in France, was given a job by the GDR in the Sanar Eisenwerk ironworks in Cossebaude (Dresden).

One after the other, they tell us extensively about their lives. Their membership in unions and parties, their professions, the war in Spain and the fronts on which they fought, the positions and tasks they carried out for their organizations both in Spain and in exile. It follows their imprisonment in concentration camps in France, their struggle against Hitler in the French internal Resistance, and finally, their detention and deportation to the GDR. These are lives full of comings and goings, of double exile. They finally find a home for the family, a job for men and women, health care and education “on the other side of the wall”. Their experiences were forgotten for decades in an official historiography that silenced those who were communists and obscured everything that was happening “in the East”.

We are going from Dresden to Berlin, to the district of Treptow-Köpenick, southeast of the German capital. There, between the 96a highway, the S-Bahn tracks, the Spree river and the Britz Canal, is the Baumschulenweg cemetery. It has a double structure, split in two by the Kiefholzstrasse. On one side is the crematorium and several sets of graves, the old part, whose planning dates from 1911 contains black pages of history marking the incineration of 2,300 prisoners of the Sachsenhausen Concentration Camp in Oranienburg, north of Berlin. On the other side is the new part, planned and built between 1936 and 1939. In 1981 a granite and bronze monument by Gerd Thieme was erected there to honor the fighters against fascism and for socialism. At his feet, several rows of tombs contain the mortal remains of these people.

We find here Carmen Carrasco (born Carmen Ansorena), Antonio Carrasco, Francisco Rodríguez, Adela Lafuente (born Adela Fernández) and Manuel Lafuente. The latter, born in 1936, was deported with his sons Manuel and Fernando to the GDR. Fernando Lafuente still lives in Berlin today. Together with Margarita Bremer (born Margarita Banqué), editor of the book “Y el año que viene – ¡En España!”, they told recently their story for the German radio SWR. In his autobiography, Francisco Rodriguez tells us how he decided to get married for the second time in France after “long and deep meditation”. The autobiographies are not only an account of professional, trade union and political merits, they also tell us personal anecdotes like this one, sometimes even with a sense of humor. They remind us that they are not mere names, but flesh and blood people with their personal stories.

Among the Baumschulenweg tombs there is no longer the tomb of one of the most famous people expelled during Operation Bolero-Paprika: Elisa Uriz Pi (1893-1979). Pedagogue and revolutionary teacher, feminist fighter and international defender of children’s rights, Elisa received the expulsion order months after the first deportations and arrived in the GDR with a safe conduct. After a consultation with Sabine Gansauge, responsible for memorials at the cemetery, Elisa Uriz’s grave, No. 502, was removed in 2002. Three tombs away, at no. 499, however, remains the tomb of the renowned modernist architect Manuel Sánchez Arcas, along with those of María Krùs-Lobes (María Cruz López) and Celestino Uriarte, who was a leader of the PCE and the PCOE. These last ones arrived years later to the DDR, past the Bolero-Paprika.

Why is Elisa Uriz Pi not buried with the rest of the anti-fascist fighters in the operation? The most probable cause is because her death took place in 1970, before the memorial was erected in 1981. The dates of death of the rest of the Spaniards there were all later, except for Manuel Lafuente, who also died in 1970. In his case we can assume that the remains were moved to this place in 1983, when his wife Adela Lafuente died.

We turn around, leave the Baumschulenweg cemetery behind and change to Lichtenberg district. Near the station of the same name, to the left of Frankfurter Allee and walking east, is the Zentralfriedhof Friedrichsfelde. This cemetery is famous for housing the remains of Rosa Luxemburg, Karl Liebknecht, Franz Mehring or Ernst Thälmann, among others, in the Memorial of the Socialists.

Going deeper into the cemetery, among trees and tombstones, a brick stele with an inverted red triangle stands out. It marks the beginning of the rows of tombs containing the victims and people persecuted by the Nazi regime (inside or outside Germany), as well as those who fought in the Resistance. There we find a tombstone surrounded by carefully maintained vegetation that bears the names of Bautista Banqué and Teresa Banqué (born Teresa Doz). Their names are perfectly legible despite the passage of time thanks to the maintenance and cleaning work carried out mainly by the association VVN-BdA (Union of Persecuted People of Nazism – Federation of Antifascists, in its German acronym). Bautista and Teresa are the parents of the editor of the autobiographies – Margarita – who still lives in Berlin with the surname Bremer. They are the only victims of Operation Bolero-Paprika to be found here, although not the only people exiled. A few more rows in the background we find under a tree the tombstone of Josep Renau and Manuela Ballester, famous muralists, poster artists and communist painters, among other dedications. Also here were the remains of Josefa (Pepita) Úriz Pi, sister of Elisa Úriz Pi and outstanding pedagogue and leader of FETE-UGT, but her grave met the same fate as Elisa’s on Baumschulenweg.

All this history, as Margarita writes on the cover of her autobiography book, are “tesserae” of the historical memory. Their life is that little stone that goes unnoticed one by one, but which is in itself fundamental. Since each one composes the mosaic of the memory of those who fought fascism, whom history paid with such an unjust double exile for their communist membership. They are tesserae that, as archaeologists and narrators of memory, we unearth with care to bring them to light. We put them together one by one until we have the picture of a past that is only lost the moment we stop mentioning it and that deserves to be remembered. Only by knowing our history can we build the Third Spanish Republic, the one that many of the exiled communists in the GDR probably dreamed of seeing before they died.

This article first appeared in Spanish on the eldiaro Website. Reproduced with the author’s permission

Photo Gallery: Stop the sell-out of the city. We are reclaiming Berlin. 8 November 2020


09/11/2020


What’s it all about Joe?

The US elections assessed


08/11/2020


In the first part of this article, I briefly recap USA elections events for those whose eyes have been shut for the last week. In the remaining two parts I assess likely short term events, and the divisions within the Democratic Party in the USA.
1. What just happened?
 
Obviously the USA elections results are still being contested. However a Democratic victory for the Presidential race cannot be denied. It should be noted though that only 60% of the electorate actually voted. For the left wing, it is a real concern that the reservoir of voters who still voted for a liar, a tin-pot dictator.
Why did this happen? A commentator in ‘the Atlantic’ emphasises the point:
Why didn’t the pandemic recession precipitate a landslide for Joe Biden? That is a central mystery stemming from a narrow, if decisive, loss for President Donald Trump. Even though the unemployment rate is more than double what it was a year ago, even though 1 million Americans a week are applying for jobless aid, even though Congress has failed for six months to pass desperately needed additional stimulus, even though Trump has the worst job-creation record of any president going back to World War II, voters gave the incumbent decent marks on the economy up to Election Day, and he expanded his 2016 vote count by at least 5.7 million. [1]
Well – no crushing Biden victory then. So who voted for Trump?
Donald Trump won more than 70 million votes, the second highest total in American history. Nationally, he has more than a 47% share of his vote, and looks to have won 24 states, including his beloved Florida and Texas. He has an extraordinary hold over large swathes of this country, a visceral connection that among thousands of supporters has brought a near cult-like devotion. [2]
The ‘Trump-ites’ include a sizeable number of people with a low income. Below are selected data points from an exit poll. While this is not the Marxist definition of a ‘working class’ – I think we can recognize the class divide here. I feel that it is harder to interpret the higher ranged. After all in the modern USA many of those in the $100,000 bracket are just keeping their heads above water. Many are self-employed, or small business owners – and may indeed be in the section of the petit-bourgeois most susceptible to fascism.
I do not propose to go down the rabbit-hole of ethnic identity – and the allegations of a major “Black shift to Trump”. A large majority of African-American voters went for Biden – recognizing the racist filth that Trump spews out. Those that did not, may well be those same category of self-employed small business. Interpreting the Latino vote is complex, and I park that for now.
Interestingly, a left commentator pointed out to me that the Stimulus checks had been sent out with Trump’s signature:
The STIMULUS spending involved checks mailed directly to people with TRUMP’S SIGNATURE on it — This made quite an impression on too many Americans — many of them really didn’t see that the money being spent to help them in April, May, June and July —- very significant of course — was the result of a virtually unanimous decision by both Houses of Congress — and that Trump’s signature was him taking credit for something he had virtually nothing to do with — it was all Mnuchin, Pelosi with McConnell acquiescing. [4]
It seems to me, that the legacy of all those years of Democratic government not fundamentally changing the lives of the working class – white and black – is why the predicted Democratic blue wave did not emerge.
2. What is likely to happen in short term?
 
The prospects of the new government face huge uncertainty. Control of the Senate, a major organ of power, now depends on runoff races. Georgia ‘s two ardently pro-Trump Republican senators (Perdue and Loeffler) are fiercely contesting reruns, but it is very likely that they will happen:
With nearly all of the ballots counted, Mr. Biden leads Mr. Trump by about 11,400 votes, and Mr. Perdue and Ms. Loeffler were forced into runoff races against Democrats — pivotal elections that could determine control of the Senate. In the Jan. 5 runoffs, Ms. Loeffler will face a challenge from the Rev. Dr. Raphael Warnock, the pastor of Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta; Mr. Perdue is running against Jon Ossoff, the chief executive of a media production company. None of them received at least 50 percent of the vote in last week’s election. [5]
Attempts by Trumpite officials to stall plans for transfer of powers, are at this stage mere irritants – in my view:
Emily W. Murphy, the administrator of the General Services Administration, refuses to issue a letter of “ascertainment,” which allows Mr. Biden’s transition team to begin the transfer of power. [6]
Despite this and the posturing of both Trump, and leading Republicans such as McConnell, it is most unlikely that they can prevent Biden’s accession. Trump has no shred of evidence to invalidate Biden’s election. It is pretty clear that the ruling class has decided that Trump should go.
 
After all, when Rupert Murdoch shows him the door… what more can you safely conclude?
Multiple Rupert Murdoch-owned conservative media outlets in the United States have shifted their messaging in a seeming effort to warn readers and viewers that Donald Trump may well have lost the presidential election. The new messaging appears to be closely coordinated, and it includes an appeal to Trump to preserve his “legacy” by showing grace in defeat. [7]
While moving forward with a social-democratic ‘labour’ type set of reforms will be much easier with a Senate control, this is not essential for reforms to take place. Even Trump maneuvered without Senate and Congressional approvals. For example, areas *not* requiring Senate approval include stimulus funding, tax increases on multi-national US corporations, financial regulation of the big banks, and consumer protection regulation:
But as President Trump has demonstrated time and again, Mr. Biden has the power to pull some levers unilaterally, without congressional approval, and could influence the federal government’s economic policymaking machinery through an array of executive actions, regulations and personnel changes. “There’s a tremendous amount that can be done without Congress,” said Felicia Wong, who serves as an adviser on the Biden transition board but who was speaking in her capacity as head of the Roosevelt Institute, a progressive think tank. [8]
But at the heart of the matter, I think that Biden is unlikely to move the needle. That is because the ruling class problems – are painted as problems of the USA – by both Republicans and Democrats. I have previously argued that there were factional differences between sections of the ruling class of the USA. But on core issues they are as one: to maintain profits.
 
And both wings recognise that they have a major problem as their economy stalls more and more. At core is the issue of innovation, in part driven by reinvestment of profits into the sciences and re-tooling of industry. In this, it has one major problem – Chinese competition. This was a major area where Trump showed he would stand firm on.
 
But Biden is – in fact – no different:
To a considerable degree, Biden’s advisers have come to share a pessimistic view of China’s intentions that is not all that different from that of the Trump administration,” said Aaron Friedberg, professor of politics and international Affairs at Princeton University. “Although it will adopt different approaches in certain respects a Biden administration will not reverse the overall direction of US policy. [9]
The data is quite clear. The number of Chinese patent applications has surged, as has the number of science and engineering (S&E) scientific papers.
3. How divided is the left?
 
In the face of all this, what is the left in the USA up to? To be clear – I fully supported a broad anti-Trump coalition – and I would have voted for the Democratic Party. I think it is extraordinary how on various left blogs, those who argued against voting for the Democrats, express ‘relief’ that Trump did not get back into legitimate power.
 
But as one left commentator – Vijay Prasad wrote:
Biden will immediately do several sensible things — return to the WHO, return to the Paris deal, return to the Iran deal, cut the Muslim Ban, revive DACA. But he is on track to abandon the issues that are so central to the Democratic base — notably to fight for a higher minimum wage, to fight for a proper distribution of income, to fight for less military spending and for more spending on health, education and elder care. The squad will be kept at arm’s length, whereas the “moderate” Republicans will be taken seriously. [10]
But the left outside of the Democratic Party appears to be completely unorganized. It is a fraction of even any of the ginger groups within the Democratic Party. these in my view, include the ‘Democratic Socialists of America’; ‘Sunrise Movement’, ‘Justice Democrats’, ‘The Progressive Change Institute‘, and the ‘Congressional Progressive Caucus’. Then of course there is the ‘squad’ – who Prasad assesses will kept at arms length.
 
In fact Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, appears to fear this herself:
For months, Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez has been a good soldier…. But on Saturday, in a nearly hourlong interview shortly after President-elect Biden was declared the winner, Ms. Ocasio-Cortez made clear the divisions within the party that animated the primary still exist. And she dismissed recent criticisms from some Democratic House members who have blamed the party’s left for costing them important seats. Some of the members who lost, she said, had made themselves “sitting ducks.” [11]
“It is hardly surprising when you hear the rhetoric levelled against her and the ‘Squad’:
We need to not ever use the word ‘socialist’ or ‘socialism’ ever again. . . . We lost good members because of that,” Rep. Abigail Spanberger (D-Va.), who narrowly leads in her reelection bid, said heatedly. “If we are classifying Tuesday as a success . . . we will get f—ing torn apart in 2022.” [12]
In fact the ‘Squaddies’ are being made the ‘scapegoat’ for the less than massive electoral victory of the Democrats:
What went wrong for House Democrats when they were supposed to pick up seats? I’m giving you an honest account of what I’m hearing from my own constituents, which is that they are extremely frustrated by the message of defunding the police and banning fracking. And I, as a Democrat, am just as frustrated. Because those things aren’t just unpopular, they’re completely unrealistic, and they aren’t going to happen. And they amount to false promises by the people that call for them… Representative Ocasio-Cortez, she can put her name behind stuff and that’s I guess courageous, but when it’s a damaging idea or bad policy, like her tweeting out that fracking is bad in the middle of a presidential debate when we’re trying to win western Pennsylvania — that’s not being anything like a team player. [13]
The pushback from Squad members is poignant:
So I need my colleagues to understand that we are not the enemy. And that their base is not the enemy. That the Movement for Black Lives is not the enemy, that Medicare for all is not the enemy. This isn’t even just about winning an argument. It’s that if they keep going after the wrong thing, I mean, they’re just setting up their own obsolescence. [14]
Rep. Rashida Tlaib (D-Mich.), a self-described democratic socialist, grew angry, accusing her colleagues of only being interested in appealing to White people in suburbia. “To be real, it sounds like you are saying stop pushing for what Black folks want,” she said.” [15]
It is true that bigger guns have also made similar left statements, like for example Bernie Sanders. Pointing out correctly on November 3rd, just before the polls, that the defeat of Trump was a first step – he urged:
We must have the courage to think big, not small,” said Sanders, “and have the courage to envisage a very different kind of America and a very different set of national priorities. [16]
But I would argue his vision remains limited, since he has chosen to stay within the confines of the Democratic Party. Another ginger group, ‘Our Revolution’, cautions:
For those of us who focus on governance and economic and social justice, this election is a dismal rubber stamp of the unacceptable status quo,” said Larry Cohen, the chairman of Our Revolution, a progressive group. “Black, brown and white working Americans see their hopes of real reform evaporate for now, even while cheering the victory over Trump. [17]
Actually Sanders’ current vision appears to extends to being labor Secretary. Others fighting it out to be at ‘the table’ are also faces of the older complicit Democrats – as related by Ember :
Some.. have already expressed opposition to two of Mr. Biden’s potential choices for Treasury secretary: Lael Brainard, a Federal Reserve governor, in part for her record on trade and currency manipulation in China; and Gov. Gina Raimondo of Rhode Island, a former venture capitalist, whose overhaul of her state’s public pension system made her deeply unpopular with some labor unions. Instead, many liberals are pushing Mr. Biden both in private and public to name Senator Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts to the position.. Others on the progressives’ shortlist for the position include Sarah Bloom Raskin, who served as deputy secretary of the Treasury under President Barack Obama, and Janet Yellen, the former chair of the Federal Reserve.
Conclusion
 
When the Democratic Party had a mandate with President Obama, they did not launch an offensive against capital. They will not do so now, under much more tenuous circumstances. What is needed is a true working class party. There is nothing like that worthy of a Eugene Debs – the great American socialist. This must be a goal for the short to medium term for all progressives in the USA.
Footnotes
1 Annie Lowrey, Why the Election Wasn’t a Biden Landslide Nov 6, 2020; The Atlantic
3 National Exit Polls: How Different Groups Voted reported in New York Times on 3rd November 2020
4 Private communication
6 Nov 9, 2020; Trump Appointee Stands Between Biden’s Team and a Smooth Transition’; New York Times
8 Alan Rappeport, Jeanna Smialek, Ana Swanson and Jim Tankersley; Nov. 8, 2020; In a Divided Washington, Biden Could Still Exert Economic Power
10 Vijay Prashad: How seriously will Biden take ‘the squad’? Daily Hampshire Gazette; 9th Nov 2020.
12 Rachael Bade and Erica Werner, “Centrist House Democrats lash out at liberal colleagues, blame far-left views for costing the party seats. Spanberger criticizes Democrats’ strategy in caucus call, Washington Post November 6 2020.
15 Rachael Bade and Erica Werner,”Centrist House Democrats lash out at liberal colleagues, blame far-left views for costing the party seats. Spanberger criticizes Democrats’ strategy in caucus call, Washington Post November 6 2020