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Month: April 2023

What’s Behind the Revolts in France?

Are we experiencing another May 68? A French socialist reports


03/04/2023

There is a deep political crisis in France: in the 2022 presidential election the Socialists and the Right (most recently under the branding of Les Republicains), who had dominated politics the last 60 or so years, totalled between them less than 7%. Both the far-right and the radical-left candidates obtained more than 20% each.

In the 2nd round, Macron’s score of 60% was 6 points down from 2017. 4 voters out of 10 preferred the neo-fascist Le Pen. Macron had promised to break the mould. His slogan in 2017 was “neither left nor right”, though sometimes he would say “both left and right”. Five years later, most left-wing voters have abandoned him. He is 40 MPs short of a majority in parliament and his government only survives because the opposition is divided. Macron claims to have a mandate for his pensions reform, but the main reason people voted for him was to stop Marine Le Pen. 

Prime minister Elisabeth Borne had been close to the Socialist Party. A workaholic and ruthless manager, she worked as boss of the Paris transport authority. As transport minister, she pushed through a neoliberal reform of the national railway company, opening it up to competition and attacking railway workers’ conditions.

Gérald Darmanin, the hardline interior minister, had been a member of Les Républicains. He opposed equal marriage and has led the strategy of demonising so-called Islamist separatists and what he calls the ‘woke’ left. He has been accused of rape and sexual harassment.

The law would also force employees to work 43 years to qualify for a full pension. So for financial reasons many workers will have to go on beyond the nominal retirement age, a crucial detail ignored in international reportage.

A bill on Asylum and Immigration, named Darmanin’s law, is designed to crack down on migrants  It is also tailored to the needs of the labour market. Temporary permits would be granted to migrants to work in industries where wages and conditions are so bad that bosses have difficulty in recruiting. 

Fighting a difficult battle over pensions, Macron has now decided to postpone, but not abandon, the debate on the migrants and asylum bill. The right-wing MPs that Macron depends on for a majority are demanding an even tougher policy. The left needs to take the question of racism, and support for migrants, much more seriously.

Macron’s Pensions “Reform”

So now to the question of pensions. Right-wing president Sarkozy raised the retirement age from 60 to 62 thirteen years ago, despite working class resistance. Now Macron’s new reform would raise the age to 64. Like the left, the unions are often divided, but they have unanimously opposed the reform. The more radical unions want a return to the retirement age of 60. This is also the most popular slogan on the demonstrations. The law would also force employees to work 43 years to qualify for a full pension. So for financial reasons many workers will have to go on beyond the nominal retirement age, a crucial detail ignored in international reportage. Macron has insisted that the age of 64 is not open to negotiation. The leader of the ‘moderate’ CFDT union, who had actually supported Macron’s pre-Covid plan, was furious. 

In previous movements the CFDT has often sold out the more militant sections of the class. The joke is that if slavery still existed the CFDT would try to negotiate the weight of the chains. But it has been able to grow by following a strategy of obtaining small advances through negotiations without strike action. It’s been able to recruit workers in smaller companies with no militant traditions and replace the more radical CGT as France’s biggest union. 

But Macron’s intransigency and arrogance have made it impossible, so far, for the conservative leaders to break ranks. They are prepared to support one-day strikes but are not urging workers to take longer strike action and disapprove of more radical methods. The role of the union leaders has not been entirely negative. The existence of a broad front containing all the national union federations – even the managers’ union and the Christian trade unions – gives people confidence to take on the arguments. 

On each day of action there have been marches in 200 or more locations… On one remote island off the coast of Brittany with a permanent population of 200 there was a march of 80.

Macron has tried to divide workers. He wants to abolish the special pensions schemes of so-called “privileged” groups of workers. The argument that transport or refuse collection workers, for example, are “privileged” because they can retire earlier has worked with the public in the past – but much less so this time. Unions and left-wing parties have instead succeeded in putting other questions on the agenda: difficult working conditions, unsocial hours, low wages, precarity, health and safety and inequality in general. 

The current movement and the Yellow Vests

Nine days after the government announced its plan, the union federations called the first national day of strikes and demonstrations. By last Tuesday there had been 10 – that’s one every 7 days on average, usually involving a million or more people. And hundreds of local demonstrations took place in between. The movement is incredibly inspiring and popular. French workers are very creative. The spontaneous Yellow Vest movement is one example. The use of roadblocks and the occupation of roundabouts destabilised the government and put new questions on the agenda, such as the closure of public services in rural areas and small towns.

Fundamentally, though its politics were confused, the Yellow Vest movement called into question the whole way the country is organised and decisions taken. This time, unlike during the Yellow Vests protests, the unions have played the key role. But there are similarities. For one thing it isn’t limited to the big urban centres. On each day of action there have been marches in 200 or more locations, often towns of a few thousand people in rural areas. On one remote island off the coast of Brittany with a permanent population of 200 there was a march of 80.

These are places where alternative jobs are in short supply, public services have been run down, there is a shortage of GPs, fuel and petrol costs are important etc. Raising the retirement age has been the proverbial straw which broke the camel’s back.

The response to the demos called at a few days or a week’s notice has been terrific. On Tuesday’s 10th day of action, the numbers were down on the previous peak, but people were just as determined. There had always been small groups of high school and college students, but not in massive numbers. 

However, this changed on 23rd March, after the 49.3, the no-confidence vote and Macron’s TV interview. It was the same this Tuesday the 28th. Schools have been blocked and colleges occupied. The government was afraid of a massive revolt of young people like the one in 2006 which forced Chirac to withdraw a law that had already been passed. Its reaction was to send in the cops. I also met older people who were demonstrating for the first time since the movement began.

The strategy of days of action may seem like a dead-end, but it has the advantage of keeping the issue on the boil. So far there is no sign of ‘demonstration fatigue’. French demonstrators have a great deal of humour. One demonstrator had a placard saying she wanted to retire at 49 years and 3 months. French workers also have a great sense of history. So placards called on Macron to retire to Saint-Helena, the island where Napoleon was exiled by the British. The French revolution and the guillotine are an obvious reference, though not to the taste of Macron’s supporters. More obscurely, one demonstrator told Macron to prepare his helicopter, in a reference to the flight of American officials from the embassy in Saigon. And there’s the slogan “You give us 64 (or 49.3) we’ll give you May ’68”. 

People are waging not just a defensive struggle, but a positive one for a better world, one in which we have more leisure and work takes on a new meaning – the very opposite of a society dominated by people like Borne the technocrat, Darmanin the racist and misogynist, and Macron the hypocrite, who told an unemployed protester that he only needed to cross the road to find a job. A common expression is ‘No to Macron and his world’.

The role of trade unions

Union contingents have formed the core of the demonstrations, but they have attracted people in unorganised workplaces and people in precarious jobs. There are many low-paid women workers and immigrants on the demos, including undocumented migrants, many of whom work in terrible conditions under false names. 

If you are a nursery assistant or a part-time supermarket cashier, a hotel cleaner or a delivery worker, a nurse or a waiter, you may not be in a union or be able to strike, but you are motivated to go on the marches, and the sheer numbers help build confidence. Some have been joining unions. 

There has been extended strike action and blockages in some industries and places, though relatively few workers are on indefinite strike. Many are only on strike on national days of action, or for 2 or 3 days. Many can’t afford to strike for longer, though collections have helped in some cases.

Train drivers, refuse collection and incinerator workers, oil refinery and fuel depot workers, gas and electricity workers, dockers, air traffic controllers and some others have taken militant action. There have been a few shortages, but it hasn’t been enough to block the economy, as some top union leaders had promised.

The force of previous movements has been the transport strikes. They have an immediate impact on the economy and on the public. This is a weakness of the present movement. Inter-city trains have been affected the most. Up to 30% of flights have been cancelled at some airports. But in Paris, even on national days of action, most suburban trains are running and the buses are hardly affected.

Refuse collection is another key sector. Rubbish has piled up in the streets in some areas, while others are hardly affected. The unions have now suspended the strike in Paris, but they say it is only on pause. In education, only a minority of teachers have been on strike. There have been no generalised power cuts, though workers have developed the (illegal) tactic of selective cuts targeting, for example, government MPs while restoring power to people who have been cut off for non payment. A little over 10% of petrol stations are currently affected by the strike of refinery workers

Macron’s response

As well as using the police against pickets and roadblocks, the government has now begun to requisition key workers (they face prison and a 10 000 euro fine if they refuse). There’s no doubt that strikes in some sectors have rattled the government, shaping the potential power of the working class to impose its own priorities. This is why they have stepped up the use of the heavily armed police.

Most union leaders are loath to support other than limited strike action, or to encourage workers to organise mass meetings, flying pickets, roadblocks and so on. Most of the current actions are local initiatives, though the top union leaders have not opposed them – publicly at least. The more radical unions, like the CGT and Solidaires, and even local sections of the CFDT, have been in the forefront. The situation is very uneven and it cannot be resolved by a simple call for a general strike.

The revolt is contagious. Only this morning workers threatened with redundancy replied to their bosses with cow dung. In the west of France thousands of protesters at a mega basin were attacked by riot police using military-style weapons. Two demonstrators are currently in a coma.

To conclude, the movement is far from over and the future of the reform is still in doubt. The Constitutional Council, which must ratify the reform, is due to return its verdict on April 14th. Meanwhile union leaders are set to meet the prime minister for the first time. But the government continues to insist that the retirement age is not up for discussion. 

We say ‘No to 64’, ‘Retirement on a full pension at 60’. The next demonstration is next Thursday, 6 April.

This is an edited version of a talk at the recent meeting: French workers in revolt: Lessons for the UK strike movement

Why should we film the police?

A new multi-language guide details how best to film the police. We interview the authors


02/04/2023

The Go Film the Police campaign aims to make racist police violence more visible and demand accountability. The campaign has published a guide in multiple languages on how, where, and when to film the police. We asked FACQ Berlin, a group involved in the guide’s publication, about the motivations behind the campaign.

Where did the idea for the Film the Police guide come from?

The idea started in 2020, and was a combination of many things: The ongoing racial profiling (two of us behind the guide were living at Kotti at the time and were witnesses to many situations of police violence), Covid-related crackdowns on protests, as well as the brutality following the large BLM demonstration in Berlin. All of these intensified the discussions about police violence. There were a lot of discussions on how to best react if witnessing police brutality and racially-motivated police violence.

During those discussions, we noticed a lot of confusion and contradictory information. The little information that was available was all in German, making it especially hard for e.g. non-German speakers or migrant and refugee communities to build on that knowledge. So we thought it would be helpful to compile guidance from people who actually know and make it available more widely. In FACQ Berlin we have a strong commitment to sharing skill and knowledge, and all of this came together to make this guide happen.

And the information in the guide?

We started by compiling existing information from different sources, based in the extensive experiences of structures like ReachOut and KOP Berlin. Some of us are working at the intersection of digital security and activism, so we were able to add that into the guide – as well as our own experiences of being involved on the streets for years.

Berlin has a wealth of knowledge, and there have been various international organisations who have worked on this topic. Our work was to bring all this knowledge (activist booklets, social media posts, legal training handouts..etc) together, update what is needed, develop specific parts to respond to the context and the needs of the streets of our city and our communities, and translate it into what we hope is more accessible language. We also worked with lawyer Maren Burkhardt to review the content from a legal framework.

Who is this guide directed at?

In the world we live in, many of us can be witnesses to police brutality, and many of our BIPoC siblings can be targets of this violence. This guide is meant for everyone, the targets and the witnesses, whether they are activists or not. We hope that this guide acts as a motivation for everyone to intervene when they see police brutality, and to take proactive steps rooted in their knowledge of the risks and of safety and security recommendations.

Who do you think will benefit from it?

This is meant for all of us, and for the benefit of all. Living in a society where there is accountability and consequences for the brutality and abuse of power of the police would benefit us all. Police brutality and abuse of power are linked to a lot of bigger questions in society.

One only has to look at those commonly targeted to understand the bigger connections: Black people, racialized people, people pushed into poverty and homelessness, or those denied access to legal residencies and freedom of movement, sex workers and people who perform gender in less normative ways. This is why we can’t isolate activism against police violence from other political struggles. We also hope that this guide can benefit those who act out of solidarity when they witness racial or class-based violence, and who can also easily become the targets of violent repression.

What do you hope the outcome of publication will be?

As described above, to spread the information people need to make informed decisions and to enable people to take steps against the police by knowing their rights and being able to assess risks better.

The guide also contributes to unresolved legal discussions which are at the core of the campaign: to legalize and decriminalize filming the police! So we hope that the guide helps spark wider debate about this crucial topic, and contributes to understanding the wider complications of police impunity.

How can people get involved in the campaign?

First, inform themselves about their rights and obligations, and what to do when witnessing police violence. Filming is one thing, but it is not the only step one can take. When possible, talk to those who the violence is directed towards, provide support, try to intervene if possible.

Second, people can contact FACQ Berlin if they can help translate the guide into new languages for their communities in Berlin.

Third, help distribute and share the guide and other Go Film the Police publications and posts.

Fourth, they can stay updated on the social media of the GoFilmThePolice alliance and join our actions and events. (KOP Berlin, ISD, Migrantifa…..)

French trade unions and the present revolt against Macron

Why are French workers taking to the streets? One reason is 30 years of mass activity


01/04/2023

The huge movement against Macron’s attack on pensions is still erupting. The tenth day of action, Tuesday 28th March, saw millions on the streets, and numerous strikes continue (in some sectors moving into their 4th week). Blockading of some motorways, ports, universities and high schools also show that the movement is not ready to give up, although the national union leaderships are refusing to call a real general strike and are making worrying noises about “the need for arbitration”. The latest polls show that 63% of the entire French population “want the mobilization to continue” and 40% want it “to get more radical”. We haven’t won yet, but we certainly haven’t lost.

And Macron has sustained serious damage. He has been obliged to shelve some other vicious laws, and  make concessions on other issues (such as student grants). Whatever happens, he will have to abandon most of the other neoliberal reforms he planned, and Macronism as a political force may well be dead in the medium term.

People from afar sometimes assume that all French people are born rebellious, or that we tell bedtime stories about guillotining the rich to infants in order to instill such radicality. But the present combativity, and the political class consciousness of French workers (since millions of those mobilizing right now are not personally directly affected by the attacks on the pension system) have been built up over 30 years, since the first mass revolt to defend pensions, in 1995. This article  is to explain some of the background to the movement, rooted in the specifics of French Trade Union structure.

Trade union membership in France is considerably lower than, say, Britain. In the public sector under 20% of workers are members of a union, and in the private sector less than 10%. However, these figures are misleading, and trade union influence is far wider than membership figures suggest. Millions of non-members nevertheless vote for, and are represented by, union candidates for health committees, company councils, regional wages councils, and other such bodies which negotiate locally,  regionally or nationally on health and safety, bonuses, promotions, transfers and working hours as well as on minimum wages and pay scales. Agreements signed by trade unions on these bodies apply to all workers, union and non-union.  Many workers see union members as activists, organizers and advisors whose job is to support and encourage individual workers and to lead various fightbacks, whether or not the workers involved are themselves union members.

Large numbers of the workers who have taken strike action in the public sector this month are not union members. The right to strike is part of the French constitution, and non-union workers are legally protected by the strike declarations made by unions. Relatively solid legal protection means that it is very common, on days of action, to have minorities in a workplace taking strike action. In one railway depot there might be 20% of strikers, in another 80% and so on.

A key historical weakness of the union movement here is its division into – sometimes competing – confederations, of which the most important are the CGT (Confédération Générale du Travail – 640 000 members), FO (Force ouvrière – 350 000), the CFDT (Confédération française démocratique du travail – 650 000), Solidaires (110 000) and the FSU (Fédération syndicale unitaire 160 000). In some sectors, workers tend to  just join the biggest union in their workplace (the FSU is 80% teachers, for example). In many sectors, though, people will choose the union according to their politics. The CGT (which used to be extremely close to the Communist Party) is generally more combative than the CFDT. Solidaires is the most combative and the most left wing. It is important in the railways and in telecommunications, and will often be at the centre of the most radical actions. But it has the long-term disadvantage that it can separate off the most left-wing workers, and thus have less influence on the mass of less politicized people when class struggle rises.

The separation into different confederations is obviously an advantage for the bosses, as the confederations can sometimes be played against each other. In 1995, in 2003 and in 2019, three of the previous occasions when the pension system was under attack, the government managed to get the CFDT on their side, through minor concessions and institutional favouritism. The CFDT leadership has generally defended the idea of “partnership trade unionism like in Germany”. The situation in 2023, when the attack is angering workers so much that the CFDT leadership has not (yet) dared to break ranks and do a deal with Macron, is an exceptional one. That threat is nevertheless an important brake on the movement, since the national leadership of the CGT and others have toned down their combativity “in the interests of unity”. From January to April, the inter-union national committee (“intersyndicale”) has chosen the dates of the days of action and has refused to call for the obvious option of an indefinite general strike.

There is a large amount of rank and file activity, independent of national leadership, right now. CGT or Solidaires federations, in some regions or industries, or inter-union committees at local, regional, or industrial level, are behind the dozens of ongoing strikes, blockades of energy sites, docks, or wholesale distribution hubs etc.

One of the key traditions of the French trade union movement is the “renewable strike” (grève reconductible). This is a strike where the strikers meet in a mass meeting every day or two, debate and vote on continuing the strike or not. This has been the basis of ongoing strikes at present among refuse workers (each depot voting separately), dockers, air traffic controllers and many more. What is excellent about this tradition is it means decisions are being made by the workers involved, and not by the union bureaucracy nationally. The downside is it has helped allow national union leaders to get away with not campaigning for an indefinite general strike. All the national leaders have called for the days of action, while some (like the CGT) have said that they encourage “renewable strikes wherever possible”.

The present movement is definitely helping recruit people to unions, and the CGT has announced a campaign to get young workers to join. The best boost would of course  be to win the present battle and defend the pension age. An 11th day of action has been called for 6th April, and this week demonstrations against police violence and the shortage of petrol in some regions are keeping the movement on the front pages. Everything is still to play for.