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EU for the few

We need freedom of movement for all. Until then, Mediterranea Berlin explain why they will continue to protect the lives of drowning refugees.


08/08/2023

In April 2020, a few months after the sea refuguee rescue organisation Mediterranea Berlin was born, one of our activists received a WhatsApp message from an unknown Libyan number. It was asking whether the “Ocean Viking” was close to Tripoli. The “Ocean Viking” belongs to another maritime refugee rescue organisation SOS Mediterranee. Our rescue boat is called “Mare Jonio” but was not at sea at that moment. The inexperienced activist had no clue how to answer this message, but knew they could not forward such sensitive information due to “aiding irregular migration” accusations.

Their immediate and rough answer read “It doesn’t work like that. We don’t have information, we don’t give information.” Yet, this made them feel guilty and powerless. There was a person in need asking for help, they felt compelled to do something. Thus, with further question, Mediterranea Berlin came to know the story of a 23 year old father who had sent the WhatsApp.

Salim Nyariga had left The Gambia and his unaware pregnant wife in January of the same year with one thing in mind:

“I was in school and I couldn’t stop worrying about the money for my wife and my future child. That Friday was the day I had this sudden idea: if all my friends have used this journey to help their family, why not me?”

At the beginning of the Corona crisis, even the human traffickers were afraid of the pandemic and would barely leave their homes. The departures from Libya were diminishing, the prices had increased and the weather conditions at the beginning of the year were even more discouraging. Crossing the Mediterranean had become more dangerous than ever.

At the time Salim sent the message he was waiting for his turn at the “connection point” in the Garabulli neighborhood, one of the places where people on the move wait for the moment to sail off. Many of his “brothers” met during his journey to Libya had already lost their lives trying to reach Europe. Salim’s greatest fear was not for his own life, but for the future of his newborn daughter that he saw for the first time on a photo sent by his wife while crossing the Tassili mountains in Algeria.

Salim wanted to go back home, but he was afraid to admit it. The 6000 km back to The Gambia would have meant he was defeated. Our activist encouraged him to follow his heart, there was nothing to be ashamed of. A repatriation through the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) was a concrete option. Salim felt relieved and after a year of waiting he caught one of the few available flights back to his home region where he could start over beside his family.

This particular happy ending was not what the activist was expecting on a first mission. Meanwhile, a year had gone by, in which Mediterranea Berlin had been taking to the streets shouting out loud “Refugees Are Welcome Here!”.

None of us will ever have the power to decide if, when and where to be born. It is the duty of the privileged ones to actively help whoever takes the first step to change their destiny. Whether going back home or in search of a new one, freedom of movement is a universal right. Crossing borders is the political act necessary to claim that right.

Mediterranea was born with the goal of helping people on the move, political actors claiming this right by crossing borders on land and at sea, in the Mediterranean as well as on the Balkan route and in Ukraine.

In the same spirit, we have been supporting the self organized movements born during the inspiring protests at the UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) offices in Tripoli and Tunis. In the night between the first and second October 2021, the Libyan militias violently raided all houses in the Gargaresh neighborhood, arresting thousands of migrants, refugees and asylum seekers. The ones who managed to escape had no other choice but to gather in front of the UNHCR headquarters, the UN agency supposed to protect them.

More than 4000 people started a movement, Refugees in Libya, asking to be recognized as human beings, the closure of all the detention centers financed by the EU and the evacuation towards safe countries. Instead of resorting to violence as a political means, they chose words. They opened a Twitter account through which they shed light on the Libyan black hole, thereby reaching international media and institutions, the African Union, the European Parliament, the Pope, human rights organizations and movements. They elected 2 representatives for each of the 11 national communities. Their assemblies would last for days on end practicing democracy and the values Europe keeps professing at home, while excluding the ones bearing the consequences of the colonial past and present.

The struggle of Refugees in Libya resisted for more than 100 days, until another brutal eviction by the militias resulted in a mass arrest and imprisonment of 600 people in the Ain Zara jail.

It was not the end though. On the contrary, the movement kept growing. Some made it to the other side of the Mediterranean and continued to fight alongside the European movements. The first joint initiative was organized in October 2022, on the occasion of the Italy – Libya Memorandum renewal where funds were promised in return that boats where stoped leaving Libya’s shores. Thousands of activists taking to the streets in 20 different cities.

As a result, 300 women and children were released from the Ain Zara detention camp. It was only the first step. The second was taken in December of that same year, in front of the UNHCR headquarters in Geneva. 50 more detainees were then freed. The last step brought the movement to Brussels in July 2023, at the center of European decision-making. The protest was directed towards the EU institutions responsible for the endless suffering and death at the European borders (EU-Council, EU-Commission and Parliament) as well as the UNHCR, IOM and Frontex (European Agency for the Management of Operational Cooperation at the External Borders) offices, involved in migration and refugee “management”. The remaining 250 prisoners were consequently released from Ain Zara.

All the detainees were finally freed. However, they are now in the same position as they were in more than one and a half years before. They are still in need of what they were demanding in front of the UNHCR headquarters in Tripoli in October 2021.

Libya is still not a safe place, but the battlefield of a civil war, ruled by warlords financed by Italy and EU. A hell for all the people on the move in search of a second chance.

The same goes for Tunisia, a land governed by a dictator who blamed the people on the move for his own economic failures. Kais Saied’s racist speech on the 21st of February 2023 incited and legitimized anti-black persecutions. Nonetheless, refugees in Tunisia risked their lives and reacted strongly, organizing protests in front of the UNHCR offices in Tunis where they appealed to the international and European institutions, asking to be evacuated. A desperate cry for help left unheard as shown a few months later. The EU – Tunisia Memorandum signed in July consolidated the dictator’s anti-migrant policies which escalated with the abandoning of almost 2000 people on the move in the desert at the Algerian and Libyan borders.

At the end of May 2023, the German Minister of Foreign Affairs, Annalena Baerbock, made a statement which was soon confirmed by the CEAS (Common European Asylum System) reform restricting freedom of movement: “Having no inner borders in Europe means that external borders must be protected”.

The message is clear, the EU is for the few. And yet the Ukrainian crisis proved otherwise. So we ask ourselves: are African wars less deadly than Russian ones?

The right to safety and pursuit of happiness belongs to every human being. This can be reached only through freedom of movement as a universal right. Until then, Mediterranea will continue to exist.

Read more about the work of Mediterranea Berlin.

German State Collusion with the Sisi Regime: An Overiew

Tagesschau may criticise Sisi in hushed tones but to Germany he is a pivotal ally in the Middle East.


07/08/2023

At the beginning of July, the German news agency Tagesschau reported under the headline “Power apparatus of Egypt’s President Sisi is getting stronger” about the political and economic situation in Egypt ten years since the reign of military strongman Abdel Fattah el-Sisi began.

The report explains that Sisi’s so-called “stability” is only possible through the oppression of all political opponents. The Tagesschau shows that in the political landscape any opposition has been and is actively being suppressed. The Muslim Brotherhood has been hit hardest, but leftists and other oppositional figures are also being imprisoned,  tortured or forced into exile.

In 2021, Egypt was the largest arms buyer from Germany… armaments exports from Germany to Egypt were worth more than 4,3 billion euros.

In the segment, Tagesschau interviews an MP from the party “Future of the Nation” (Hizb Mustaqbal Watan), Sisi’s political front. The MP utters state propaganda upholding the narrative that without Sisi Egypt would be in chaos and there would be “terrorists” running around everywhere. However, interviews with members of the opposition or people on the street would sound more like: “Abdel Fattah el-Sisi rules with an iron fist.” Not only the suppression of any political opposition through arrests, censorship, lack of free elections or the ban on demonstrations causes sharp criticism, the intensifying economic situation has led to more and more resentment among the general population. The Egyptian pound has lost more than half of its value in the previous year, inflation in Egypt is rising daily and most Egyptians can no longer afford meat.

However, Tagesschau neglects a central point in its report: Germany’s material role in stabilising the regime.

The German federal government supports the Egyptian dictatorship in various ways. Most central is the role of arms exports. In 2021, Egypt was the largest arms buyer from Germany, at that time under the government of the SPD (Social Democrats) and CDU (Christian Democratic Union). In that year, armaments exports from Germany to Egypt were worth more than 4,3 billion euros.

Germany also delivered arms to Egypt in 2022 under the current government coalition of SPD, Die Grünen (Greens)  and FDP (Free Democratic Party). In the same year, the German industrial manufacturing company Siemens signed a deal with the Egyptian regime worth 8,1 billion euros for the construction of high-speed railways – the biggest order in Siemens’ history.

In all, both the German government and German private capital are making substantial profits by collaborating with the Egyptian regime. When Sisi visited Chancellor Olaf Scholz (SPD) in Berlin in the summer of 2022, Scholz emphasized at the joint press conference how pleased he was about economic relations with Egypt.

Scholz also pointed out why the close relationship between Egypt and Germany is so important and stated:

“With a look to the Middle East peace process, in which, as is well known, we [the German and Egyptian states] have been working together for a two-state solution for a long time, we traditionally coordinate closely. Egypt plays a prominent role in this process, helping to stabilize the situation in the Gaza Strip. I would like to thank you [Sisi] for that too.”

In plain language this means: the role of the Egyptian state in oppressing the Palestinians and stabilizing the Zionist state is very useful for the geopolitical and economic imperialist interests of Germany and the West in general.

In addition, the European Union paid Egypt 80 million euros in 2022 to better guard its borders on land and water with the purpose of preventing refugees from fleeing over its borders.

While the EU drowns refugees in the Mediterranean sea, lets them starve in torture camps in Libya, or deports them from Germany to war zones, or beats and kills them with police violence and barbed wire in Croatia, Poland or Hungary, another pillar of the EU’s murderous “closed-border” strategy is financing the Egyptian regime.

From time to time, the German government may complain that there are human rights violations in Egypt; however, these “concerns” serve merely as pretext to maintain the economic and political interests of the German state and German capital in Egypt – be it through arms exports, economic deals, stabilizing the Zionist settler colonial state or “containing” refugees. This is the foundation of Germany’s cooperation with Egypt. “Stability”,  at any price,  is the highest priority. 

Any German media report on ten years of the Sisi regime is incomplete if the role of Germany and the EU in maintaining said military dictatorship is not examined.

The Spanish elections – a Catalonian perspective

As usual, the Right did badly in Catalonia, but the left-wing CUP also lost its 2 MPs. How could this happen and how big a setback is it?


05/08/2023

Results in Catalonia

These last general elections in Spain were highly polarized due to the strong dichotomy between the two coalitions PSOE+SUMAR and PP+VOX, with a very tight result expected, which is what ended up happening. In Catalonia, on the other hand, such strong polarization did not exist and as usual, the voters’ behavior was somewhat different from the rest of Spain.

On the one hand, while participation in Spain increased by 4% compared to the 2019 elections, in Catalonia it fell by 4%, to 63%. The failure of the independence “procés” that began in 2010, which ended with the Catalan government in exile or in prison and with a strong repression that affected thousands of people, has generated a massive demobilization. Since voting was of no use, it was understandable that a part of the independence movement did not go to the polls or even called for abstention. Therefore, the low participation was foreseeable.

On the other hand, turning to the results, it is noteworthy that the right-wing coalition PP+VOX obtained only 21% of the vote, achieving just 8 out of the 48 seats in Catalonia. A result far from the result in Spain as a whole, where PP+VOX achieved 45.5% of the votes and almost obtained an absolute majority. Catalonia, very relevant due to its large number of seats, has been wall of containment of the right and far right. Thus, the coalition PP+VOX cannot govern Spain due to its particularly bad results in Catalonia.

In addition, the 34% drop in the pro-independence vote was very significant in Catalonia. The fall of the leftwing pro-independence CUP was especially notable, which lost 56% of its votes, thus losing the 2 seats it had in the Spanish parliament.

Results in Spain

In Spain, the two parties of Spain’s two-party system PSOE and PP (called PPSOE) are once again gaining strength, going from a combined 48% (2019) to 64.7% (2023) — undoubtedly bad news. These two parties have governed Spain since the end of the Franco dictatorship in 1975, as the two pillars of the so-called “1978 Regime” and the Borbón monarchy.

The leftist party Sumar lost votes and 7 seats, declining from 38 to 31. This loss of strength shows that the party’s recent coalition alliance with PSOE has not benefited the left. It is time to reflect seriously on whether the PSOE government is the real alternative to the right-wing threat or, rather, is part of the problem.

Also surprising is that in the regions where the independence movement is historically very present and established, the right and far right did not gain. In Catalonia, Eskal Herria and Navarra, PP obtained 9 seats (out of 71) and Vox obtained only 2.

In any case, the international press has interpreted these ambiguous results as a stop against the right. Given the international and European situation however, where right and extreme right parties are progressively gaining strength, it is still too early to draw conclusions from these results. Unfortunately, the energy and economic crisis in the European Union, with the drums of war beating loudly in the background, do not leave much room for optimism.

What is the reason for this bad result of the CUP?

To begin with, a significant 40% of the CUP militancy had voted against participating in these elections. 2019 was the first time that the CUP had participated in a Spanish general election, an unusual strategy for the party. It had done so in a very particular context, still strongly marked by the “procés” and in a situation of rupture with the “1978 Regime” and the Borbón monarchy, which had generated a major state crisis and challenge to the regime. Four years later, the situation was no longer the same. The repression had won and the independence parties, without ideas, seemed to be sailing aimlessly. The illusion of 2019 had definitely disappeared.

The existing polarization in Spain led to the call for a “useful vote” in order to tip the balance between the “PSOE+SUMAR” block against the “PP+VOX” one. However, since in Catalonia Sumar also lost many votes (-12%) despite keeping its 7 seats, it is unlikely that the transfer of votes from the CUP to Sumar was particularly relevant. It seems more probable that abstention was not distributed evenly among the parties, but rather particularly affected the CUP. Their traditional voter profile is of someone who participates in municipal and regional elections, but never in the Spanish or European ones.

Continuing with the “useful vote”, the CUP had already stated that its duties in congress would be to oppose both a PP+VOX and PSOE government. It therefore would not tip the scales between PSOE-SUMAR over PP+VOX. Probably, it was another element that eluded some voters.

The future

After their disastrous result, the CUP will have to seriously reflect on its strategy for the future. This is why the party is going to start a debate in the next weeks, in which the entire membership is called to participate. Regardless of what the results are, it is clear that the future of a leftwing, rebellious and insubordinate CUP, which were its origins, must go beyond its mere presence in state institutions; rather it involves knowing how to strengthen ties with social movements, gain presence in trade union movements and articulate grassroots struggles.

Barbenheimer – Not with a Bang but a Meh

This Summer’s two overhyped Blockbusters are neither spectacular nor terrible – like so many products from modern Hollywood.


02/08/2023

You may have noticed that two new films came out recently. The release of Barbie and Oppenheimer – two frankly ordinary films – is being treated as a Great Cultural Event. We are being asked to pick a side. Are we pink and fluffy like Barbie, or deeply thoughtful and troubled like Oppenheimer? Are we fun or serious? Do we want to approach the current political crisis by embracing our inner child or by thinking deep profound thoughts?

According to director Greta Gerwig, Barbie is “most certainly is a feminist film. It’s that diving into the complexity of it and not running away from it.” Meanwhile, Oppenheimer is being celebrated as a great anti-nuclear film. Director Christopher Nolan said that the threat of nuclear war “became a reason for me to make the film,” a reason which intensified after Russia invaded Ukraine.

To the people who say “stop banging on about the politics of the films, it’s only light entertainment”, I’m happy to go along with this, as long as you apply the same standards to Greta Gerwig and Christopher Nolan, both of whom have shown a laudable ambition to address important issues.

The trouble is that – in my opinion – both films fall foul of their inner contradictions and are not able to deliver as powerful message as they could. Barbie is an anti-consumerist film which is riddled with consumerism, while Oppenheimer wants to address radical politics, but can only do so from a conservative standpoint.

Barbie’s dirty deal with Mattel

I have already written about Barbie elsewhere, so I don’t want to go in too much detail here about the content of the film. Instead I’d like to talk about the compromises which were made to bring it to the screen. Mattel, the makers of the Barbie doll, which has been shown to negatively impact young girls’ body image, eagerly backed the film’s release despite scenes which gently mock the lack of female representation on Mattel’s board.

It seems that the film was even Mattel’s idea. As Eliana Dockterman reported in Time magazine: “Barbie’s move to Hollywood is the brainchild of Mattel CEO Ynon Kreiz, who came into the job five years ago with a vision to leverage the company’s intellectual property into a cinematic universe based on Mattel toys.” In the same article, Dockterman tells us that back in 2018, Barbie producer Margot Robbie, who also plays Barbie, met with Mattel executives to promise them “we are going to honour the legacy of your brand”.

Robbie went on: “if we don’t acknowledge certain things—if we don’t say it, someone else is going to say it. So you might as well be a part of that conversation.” This conversation is, of course, about maximising Mattel’s profits. Mattel can cope with the film’s mild criticisms, knowing that Robbie and the film’s production team are otherwise offering unconditional support. Meanwhile the corporation’s tills ring up record profits.

What’s in it for Mattel?

For reasons that we don’t have to get into here, I was recently in the toy department of Kaufhof on Alexanderplatz, which has become a shrine to all things Barbie. The online market is similarly flooded. For a mere $25, you can buy a best-selling Margot Robbie Barbie The Moviedoll on Amazon. If you have a bit more to spare, you can pay £1281 for a Balmain x Barbie Cropped Logo Sweater.

Women’s Wear Daily reports that “thanks to the highly anticipated Barbie movie, the doll industry is expected to surge to $14 billion by 2027.” WWD attributes this to a new Barbiecorefashion trend which “has seen a lot more brands embracing rich bright pink shades from Valentino to H&M collections”. People who are worried about gender stereotyping have fought for decades to stop girls being forced to wear pink. This is now being sold back to us in the name of feminism.

It is not just about toys. A breathless article on airbnb.com announced “In celebration of the highly anticipated release of BARBIE, Ken is inviting two lucky guests to stay in the newly revamped Malibu DreamHouse in all its Kendom glory.” The article went on to describe the apartment: “Located in sunny Malibu, the oceanfront mansion features panoramic views and serves as the perfect backdrop for Ken’s picture-plastic paradise”.

Meanwhile, Mattel has signed licensing deals with more than 100 brands, as reported by the Guardian: “meaning that this summer as well as dressing in Barbie apparel from Gap, Primark or Forever 21, wearing her shoes from Aldo or inline skates from Skatehut and sporting her makeup (NYX Cosmetics and others), you can also relax on a Barbie x Funboy pool float while enjoying Pinkberry’s Barbie-branded frozen yoghurt.”

You could argue that venal companies like Airbnb, Gap and Mattel have been exploiting popular culture for decades – and you’d be right. But the sad fact is that the makers of the “feminist, anti-capitalist” Barbie film have consciously got into bed with these parasites to help them raise their profit margins. This seriously undermines the film’s apparently radical message. In the film, as in real life, the Mattel executives are lightly satirised but they are never punished.

This is the contradiction of “anti-corporate” films like Barbie, which rail against Mattel’s anti-feminism, while buddying up with their corporate overlords. Warner Brothers, who released the film, paid Mattel $25-$50 million. In addition, Mattel is expected to receive 5%-15% sale fee on any collaboration.

Oppenheimer’s inherent conservatism

Barbie, then, exhibits a certain type of conservatism. While loudly declaiming its feminism and anti-corporatism, it has worked closely with the very corporations which it has been denouncing. There is money to be made by attacking the 1%, and both Warner Brothers and Mattel are keen for part of the action.

Oppenheimer, which is trying to market itself as a “serious” film, will not indulge an explicit marketing campaign which is so venal, although I’m sure that the film’s accountants are rubbing their hands in glee at the added box office created by the endless memes and articles on Barbenheimer (including this one. D’oh!)

Oppenheimer’s conservatism is more visible in its political content, which rarely veers from an establishment point of view. In my original review of the film, I described Oppenheimer as being a film by and for white men in suits. Let me briefly repeat that argument.

Firstly, the almost entire lack of women. Oppenheimer conspicuously fails the Bechdel test, and then some. If you look at the cast list on IMDB, you see 79 names of which 13 are women. While the men get some meaty parts, the girls are given the empowering roles of “laughing woman”, “kissing woman”, and “consoling women”. Florence Pugh, one of the greatest actors of her generation, has little more to do than sit around with her top off.

Secondly, the predominance of white men. Some people have defended their predominance by pointing out that this reflects academia and politics in mid-20th Century USA. Nonetheless, it was an editorial decision to only show the state murder of tens of thousands of Japanese men and women through the eyes of the white, male lead.

Thirdly, although Oppenheimer, the film, is nominally anti-nuclear, it is not a call to action. I can only endorse the facebook post (can’t remember who made it, but if it was you, thank you), that said that no-one went on an anti-nuclear demo as a result of watching Oppenheimer. But maybe they did attend a few dull committee meetings.

Oppenheimer’s conservatism means that it sidesteps some crucial political points. It rightly shows how many of the scientists working on the Manhattan project were Jews worried about the rise of Hitler, but shows no objection when the target moves to Japan. It mentions, but does not comment on, the bombing of Nagasaki, whose only purpose was as a show of strength for US imperialism. It shows the concerns of the men in suits, but not of anyone outside academia and official politics.

A film which takes place almost entirely in committee rooms is unlikely to articulate any opposition outside the political mainstream to the horrors which it depicts. It is surely no coincidence that the person who embodies the film’s hope for the future is not someone from the coming movement against the Vietnam war but a man who stood on the other side of the barricades –an “up-and-coming senator from Massachusetts called John F Kennedy”.

How this affects cinema in general

For all their differences, Barbie and Oppenheimer have one thing in common. They are both way too long. To its credit, Barbie does manage to clock in at less than 2 hours, but both films sag in the middle and are clearly dragging by the end. Some friends have said that they didn’t notice that Oppenheimer goes on for over 3 hours. All that I can say is that they must have higher tolerance levels for endless scenes of men in dreary meetings than I do.

As films get increasingly longer and Blockbusters get shown on multiple screens, there is less space for anything else, for films which are challenging or … any good. But never mind, after you have seen Barbie, you can watch Oppenheimer. Then you can watch Barbie again or wait for the inevitable sequel. So far writer Greta Gerwig says that she has no plans to make Barbie 2, but it’s surely only a matter of time.

Even if Barbie 2 is never made, Mattel has already announced 45 more films based on its toys, and other manufacturers are sure to follow suit. This accelerates a trend which has been around for a while. In an article that I wrote over 8 years ago, I noted that “31 of the 50 most expensive films are sequels, and a further 6 are remakes or adaptations of tv series, and even a board game (‘Battleships’).”

This has a serious impact on what we are allowed to see in the cinema. There are only so many screens to go round. Barbie and Oppenheimer may have “saved cinema” by making extra money for the film manufacturers (and their collaborators in Mattel), but this does not mean that they have delivered more diversity to the cinema-going public. After all, not every film director has the $150 million that Barbie paid for its marketing budget alone.

Maybe Nick Hilton is right when he predicts: “the reality is that major chains could very easily collapse. And those that are saved from disaster by administrators are going to be forced into the most brutal, creatively vapid process. They will only show Barbie and Oppenheimer and Spider-Man and Star Wars on a loop, because capitalism is cynical and there’s no room for romance. It will be a brutal form of programming by algorithm.”

What does it all mean?

Does this mean that Barbie and Oppenheimer are terrible films and that no socialist should be seen dead inside a cinema showing them? Of course not. They are both perfectly serviceable, and the acting is great. They start well, and – within their clear limitations – address a number of interesting issues. But let’s not limit our expectations to their bland corporate vision, and recognise them for what they are – vaguely liberal, establishment films.

Recently, Hollywood directors and actors have been striking against the monolithic film companies. One of their demands is for more control over what they produce. It is to their credit that actors and crew from Barbie and Oppenheimer have joined the strike. But until the strike started, the film’s producers preferred to work alongside Warner Brothers and Universal to make products in line with Mattel’s corporate vision.

Film is a battlefield, which the corporations try to dominate, but where theirs are not the only voices. The strike is showing in a very concrete way how big business stifles creativity and also how it can be challenged. Let’s hope that the strikers are successful. Meanwhile, it’s ok to enjoy the unchallenging entertainment of films like Barbie and Oppenheimer, but we should aspire towards much, much more.

 

Letter from the Editors: 3rd August 2023

Stop Tesla destroying the environment, support Artsakh, and discussing the Spanish elections


Hello everyone,

On Saturday at 2pm, there’s a woodland walk against the Tesla factory in Grünheide, which the electric car company run by Elon Musk wants to expand. Not on our watch, say the organisers. The factory already uses as much water as a  city of 40,000 people — at a time when climate change is making water in Brandenburg and Berlin increasingly scarce. Meanwhile, the extraction of raw materials for Tesla car batteries is destroying livelihoods in South America. The walk starts and ends at Fangschleuse station, and is organised by the Bürgerinitiative Grünheide, who are our Campaign of the Week.

Also on Saturday is the Anarchist CSD queer pride march. The big commercial CSD has barely anything to do with queer struggles any more. It’s become an advertising platform for firms and political parties, without any militant content. We won’t put up with this! The demo starts at 6.30pm at Arnswalder Platz in Prenzlauer Berg.

On Sunday, Ararat Berlin is organising its next Kiezkantine and fundraiser for the people of Artsakh. Since December, 120,000 people in Artsakh have been under siege from the Azerbaijani dictatorship: deprived of food, fuel, medications, and cut off from trade, livelihood and family. The evening of food and discussion starts at 5pm at Cafe Arakil, Hermannstrasse 86, Neukölln.

On Monday at 6pm, there is a colourful grill party against the AfD. For the third time this year, the AfD is visiting Teltow-Kleinmachnow-Stahnsdorf southwest of Berlin – this time bringing their fascist parliament member Sebastian Münzenmaier. Münzenmaier used to be a member of the extreme-right islamophobic party Die Freiheit. He has already been convicted for violence and has been responsible for racist hatred against refugees. The Netzwerk Tolerantes Teltow-Kleinmachnow-Stahnsdorf (NTTKS) is therefore organising a protest barbeque and demonstration at Teltow Marktplatz. Please bring flags, banners and placards to show him that Teltow is colourful and diverse and will stay that way! 🏳️‍🌈

Also on Monday evening, there’ll be the next planning meeting of the Die Linke Berlin Internationals. If you want to meet other international socialists in Berlin and would like to help plan future activities, please come along. From this month, the meetings will have a different format – as well as the networking and planning, there will be a political discussion. This month, Jaime Martinez Porro from Izquierda Unida Berlin will introduce a discussion on the recent Spanish elections and the state of the European far right. Jaime has also written about the election for TheLeftBerlin.com. It all takes place in Ferat Kocak’s office at Schierker Straße 26, Neukölln. The meeting starts at 7pm, and the discussion should start around 7.30pm.

There are many more activities this week in Berlin, which are listed on our Events page. You can also see a shorter, but more detailed, list of events which we are directly involved in here.

In News from Berlin, Shelby Lynn will continue to pursue Rammstein for sexual attacks on her, environmental concerns about Tesla’s factory in Grünheide, and the Berliner Senat announces a new culture fund worth nearly €1 billion.

In News from Germany, DGB boss attacks corporate profits, the AfD proudly moves even further to the right, Chancellor Scholz wants more women soldiers, and the amount of social housing in Germany falls again.

Read all about it in this week’s News from Berlin and Germany.

This week on theleftberlin.com, Israeli academic and activist Shir Hever explains why the German teachers’ union banned him from speaking about child labour, Jaime Martinez Porro looks at the recent Spanish elections and sees no breakthrough for the right but problems for the left, Ali Khan celebrates the new Barbie film, Hari Kumar argues that the Warsaw uprising was a brave but misguided act, and Phil Butland says both Barbie and Oppenheimer were ok films, but we should expect much better.

You can follow us on the following social media:

If you would like to contribute any articles or have any questions or criticisms about our work, please contact us at team@theleftberlin.com. And do encourage your friends to subscribe to this Newsletter.

Keep on fighting

The Left Berlin Editorial Board