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Berlin Bans All Solidarity – An “Ausländer’s” Perspective

This is a strange time in Berlin. All expressions of solidarity with the people in Gaza have been banned


18/10/2023

On Saturday, up to 150,000 people took to the streets of London to express solidarity with the population of Gaza. The following day in Berlin, 1,000 people gathered at Potsdamer Platz for the same reason. Yet seven minutes before their rally was set to begin, the police announced it had been prohibited. Cops began beating, pepper spraying, and arresting people.

Despite what you might have read, this rally was not about celebrating Hamas. The organizers said they would not tolerate Hamas flags or antisemitic slogans. The ban was preemptive – nothing illegal had happened, yet the police claimed that something illegal could happen. The right to assembly (Article 8 of Germany’s Basic Law) is thus reduced to nothing.

For almost two years, Berlin has banned all pro-Palestinian demonstrations. Now, at Hermannplatz, on Sonnenallee, and throughout Neukölln, police are harassing individuals for wearing a kuffiyeh, a Palestinian scarf. They even banned a demonstration by Jewish Berliners Against Violence in the Middle East. Does this sound like a celebration of Hamas?

One Israeli Jewish woman tried to demonstrate all by herself, standing at Hermannplatz with a sign: “As a Jew and an Israeli – Stopp the Genocide in Gaza!” Police immediately approached her to declare this an “unlawful assembly.” How can one person be an assembly? It doesn’t matter. The video ends with a heavily armed German cop in a black uniform detaining a Jewish person for expressing the wrong opinion. Does this look right?

The United Nations are saying that Israel’s siege of Gaza is a “a blatant violation of international humanitarian law.” In Berlin right now, it is not possible to express UN positions on the street.

By cutting off water and electricity to the more than two million people of Gaza, the Israeli army is committing a war crime. Just listen to Ursula von der Leyen, the conservative German politician who heads the EU: “Attacks against civilian infrastructure, especially electricity, are war crimes. Cutting off men, women, children of water, electricity and heating with winter coming – these are acts of pure terror. And we have to call it as such.”

However von der Leyen was accusing Russia of war crimes, not Israel. Attacking civilian infrastructure is apparently no longer “terror”, but in fact covered by the “right to self-defense.”

For Americans in Berlin, the biggest shock came when Bernie Sanders visited last week. Sanders, whose father’s family was “wiped out” in the Holocaust, might well be the most famous Jewish politician in the world. Yet Saskia Esken, the head of Germany’s Social Democratic Party, cancelled a meeting with Sanders because he had stated: “The targeting of civilians is a war crime, no matter who does it.”

It would be nice if the German state were serious about fighting antisemitism. But just look at Hubert Aiwanger. As a teenager, he distributed fliers at school calling for a new Auschwitz. When this was revealed, he didn’t apologize. He just mumbled something about an evil twin. Aiwanger was just confirmed as Bavaria’s vice-premier. This is no isolated case: Maaßen, Sarrazin, and Höcke are among the politicians who have gone public with antisemitic views. The German state only fights antisemitism when that can be instrumentalized to repress racialized people and migrants.

This is a very strange time for us “Ausländer*innen” in Berlin. In our home countries, it’s a matter of course for leftists to stand with colonized people being besieged and bombarded. This is why you hear so much English at Berlin’s banned demonstrations.

Does anyone seriously believe that tens of thousands in London, New York, or Paris – including thousands and thousands of Jewish leftists – are motivated by hatred of Jews or love of Islamists? What a dark view of the world! The reality is that many people desire peace and justice. The Berlin government cannot ban such sentiments forever.

This article continues the agreement between theleftberlin and neues Deutschland to mirror Nathaniel’s Red Flag column which originally appeared on nd here.

Help us Reunite

Help a mom reunite with her son after 4 years


17/10/2023

Hello everyone,

I hope you are well?!

This is a photo of my son and me when I was still in Cameroon.

For 4 years now, I’ve been immigrating to Germany for a better future, leaving my eldest son behind and miss each other a lot. I’ve come to ask you for financial help to buy a plane ticket for my other two children and me to have the privilege of hugging my son in my arms again. Please, I’m counting on you to make this dream of my son and me come true.

Thank you <3

____________________________________________

Hallo tout le monde,

J’espère que vous allez bien?!

Ici c’est une photo de mon fils et moi quand j’étais encore au Cameroun .

Depuis 4 années aujourd’hui j’ai immigré en Allemagne pour un Avenir meilleur laissant dans pays mon fils aîné dont nous nous manquons réciproquement. Je viens de ce fait vers vous solliciter une aide financière pour pourvoir me procurer un billet d’avion mes deux enfants d’ici et moi pour avoir le privilège de serrer encore mon fils dans mes Bras.SVP je compte sur vous pour que ce rêve de mon fils et moi se réalise .

Merci <3

________________________________________________

Hallo alle zusammen,

Ich hoffe, es geht dir gut?!

Dies ist ein Foto von meinem Sohn und mir, als ich noch in Kamerun gelebt habe.

Ich bin heute vor vier Jahren nach Deutschland ausgewandert, um eine bessere Zukunft zu haben, und musste dafür meinen ältesten Sohn zurückgelassen und wir vermissen uns sehr. Ich bitte dich daher um finanzielle Unterstützung, damit ich mir und meinen beiden anderen Kindern ein Flugticket kaufen kann, um meinen Sohn wieder in die Arme schließen zu können. Ich zähle auf dich, damit dieser Traum von meinem Sohn und mir wahr wird.

Danke <3

You can donate to Help us Reunite here.

Hamas, Apartheid and Peace

A serious reflection on the past few days

On October 7th, the world woke up to the news that Hamas had fired 5000 rockets into Israel and infiltrated the blockade. As the day drew on, hearts grew heavy as information about the scale and ferocity of the attack on Israel began streaming in. Harrowing footage of Israelis and foreign internationals being killed and taken hostage began circulating quickly, and the devastating search for missing family members began. Until today, six days later, families are still attempting to identify their loved ones from videos and images of dead bodies, while the Israeli government has made what can only be described as a shambolic attempt to reach out to those most affected. Not only are Israelis still reeling from the shock of the attack committed against them, but they are furious with an already unpopular government for failing to protect and support them in their time of need.

Across Europe, the attack was condemned and our national monuments lit up in a display of solidarity. The terrible events were met with public outrage and millions watched with aching hearts as increasingly graphic footage reached us through TV screens and social media networks. People gathered in the streets to show their support of victims’ families and to mourn the lives lost. It has, for many, been a dark few days indeed.

The State of Israel responded with a counter-offensive. The number of Palestinian fatalities resulting from this operation is so far unknown as it is still ongoing but they are likely to exceed several thousand. The ca. two million civilians living under the blockade in Gaza were cut off from food, water and electricity, and the borders shut (or in the case of the Rafah crossing, bombed). Israeli officials have stated that in the past six days alone, 6000 bombs / 4000 tonnes of explosives have been dropped on Gaza. This, as on previous occasions, includes the use of white phosphorus and experimental weapons. Due to Israel’s blockade and the destruction of Gaza’s infrastructure, Palestinians are physically prevented from leaving the strip. Half the population – which already consists almost entirely of refugees – has been instructed to evacuate from the North of the strip to the South in a move eerily reminiscent of the Nakba in 1948. Back to the present day, however, and there was some bombing of evacuees as they attempted to flee to the South, resulting in further civilian casualties. As with previous raids on Gaza, and given that half of the territory’s population are children, the victims of this campaign will overwhelmingly be civilians.

Throughout this entire period, we have seen – as with any conflict – a wave of propaganda and misinformation from both sides. Unsubstantiated reports of Al-Qassam fighters beheading babies and systematically raping women made for sensational news headlines that were quickly circulated, while pro-Palestinian groups declared that Saint Porphyrius Orthodox Church in Gaza, the world’s third oldest church, was razed to the ground in an Israeli airstrike. Despite the vast majority of media outlets, even President Biden himself, amending their statements to reflect the unsubstantiated nature of these claims, the stories are already out there. We have, as a result, seen a concerning number of people resort to Islamophobic and anti-Semitic tropes in order to explain events that do not, until now, appear to have actually occurred. Are the facts as they stand not devastating enough? To highlight the absurdity of it all, a video of what appeared to be a female hostage getting escorted down a street in Gaza was shared widely across both Israeli and Palestinian social media channels. While some shared the video to argue that Al-Qassam fighters targeted women and to speculate upon how she might be treated in captivity, others used it as “evidence” that hostages were being taken care of since she seemed happy and well. On both sides, people asked why she appeared to be among civilians and not with Hamas – a question that was cleared up when she was identified as a Palestinian social media influencer from Gaza.

More shocking to our privileged sensibilities is the footage of celebration and acts of cruelty we have witnessed. Palestinians handing out sweets in celebration of the attack inside Israel. Israelis filming themselves drinking water after the government announced they would cut off all water supplies to the Gaza strip, or dancing and cheering while bombs fall. Reports of Palestinian fighters phoning the family members of hostages on their stolen mobile phones to boast about killing their children, and reports of Israelis phoning Palestinians in Gaza pretending to be the army, asking them to evacuate their homes so that they run into the streets in confusion and are executed. The President of Israel, Netanyahu, posted heartbreaking photos of charred babies to his X (formerly Twitter) account meanwhile Israelis are exchanging gory footage of people murdered by Al-Qassam fighters through Telegram and WhatsApp groups in a frantic effort to identify their missing family members. While this is going on, Palestinians throughout the territories are being exposed to gruesome images of burnt and dismembered children in Gaza, the dead foetuses of women killed by shrapnel, images of the occupying forces urinating on corpses, and footage of armed settlers invading Palestinian villages, shooting civilians at point blank range. Interestingly, images of Hamas’ war crimes and stories about Palestinians behaving badly have been highlighted by mainstream media outlets and through sponsored advertisements while footage of Israeli war crimes and of Israelis behaving similarly appalling has been widely censored across social media platforms. We might speculate as to why this is but the fact of the matter is that everyone involved is human, and neither the horrific imagery nor the horrendous behaviour described here is unusual during periods of conflict or within a system of occupation.

Despite all this, there have been glimmers of hope in the seemingly endless tunnel of despair. In statements to the press, some family members of Israelis killed or taken hostage by Hamas have empathised with the plight of Palestinians even while grappling with the emotional turmoil of having a child taken away from them, and others have stated that they do not wish the death of their loved ones to be used to justify killing civilians. There have been reports of Israeli settlers tending to the wounds of injured Al-Qassam fighters, even offering food and water while being held captive. Similarly, there is footage of Al-Qassam fighters protecting women, children and elderly Israelis during their operation inside the settlements surrounding Gaza, and of fighters releasing a woman and her two children that apparently civilian Palestinians took captive when the fence surrounding Gaza came down. There has been uproar on both Israeli and Palestinian channels following the release of a video that appears to show a group of Al-Qassam fighters parading and spitting on a naked, female corpse. Everyone expects Hamas to answer for war crimes, no less Palestinians who expect Al-Qassam fighters – as representatives of their issue – to uphold decent moral standards.

Largely absent from coverage of the events is any insight into what is happening inside the West Bank. Palestinians inside the West Bank already live under a brutal military occupation that has claimed the lives of men, women and children every single day this year. Palestinian towns and villages inside the West Bank are cut off from one another by ca. 500 army checkpoints which are all currently closed, illegal Israeli settlements, and Apartheid roads that only Israelis and foreign internationals are allowed to drive on. Over the past few days, the Israeli army distributed weapons among settlers living inside the West Bank (many of whom are already armed) and these settlers have made their way to Palestinian roadsides where they have been shooting at Palestinian vehicles, already killing several people. This is done with impunity and under the protection of the occupying forces who are also shooting at Palestinians attempting to travel. Anyone who was working or visiting friends and family in another town or village is currently stuck where they are, unable to go home. For the most part, however, Palestinians are prisoners in their own homes, in many areas under military curfew, unable to leave in order to buy groceries or collect medication, and unable to sleep as they are kept up at night by the sound of bombs falling on Gaza. Some will undoubtedly attempt to demonstrate against the bombing of Gaza over the coming days and, as with all peaceful or non-peaceful demonstrations inside the West Bank, many will be killed.

On a personal note, my husband’s seventeen year old cousin was killed by the occupying forces last night. After shooting him, the army blocked the ambulance from reaching the hospital. It is nothing new but somehow it shocks you every time. I don’t know if preventing paramedics from doing their work is a war crime but, if so, the Israeli army has years of crimes to answer for. It is a shame I never hear reporters asking Israeli officials whether or not they condemn these things. Anyway, shootings like this usually occur in predictable locations – at checkpoints or along the siege where people protest the occupation – but right now they are happening everywhere and everyone is afraid.

Having witnessed the horrors of Apartheid inside the West Bank, and I have not even begun to describe them here, I often find myself wondering why so little attention is afforded to them, or to the discrimination that Palestinians living inside Israel encounter which is, in fact, enshrined in Israeli law? Do we simply have no explanation for the regular forced expulsion of Palestinians from their homes in East Jerusalem and inside the West Bank? The administrative detention of Palestinians whereby civilians are arrested and held for extensive periods of time without any charges ever brought against them? How does one justify the number of child prisoners, all the documented instances of sexual violence, or the unfathomable number of extrajudicial killings that Palestinians have suffered for decades if Hamas is not necessarily there to blame? More importantly, does ignoring this massively violent system of oppression in which organisations such as Hamas form to resist do anything to protect people, Palestinian and Israeli alike?

Rather than meaningfully engage with the issue, experts who have framed the events which occurred on October 7th as an inevitable result of years of subjugating Palestinians have been publicly accused of attempting to “justify terrorism”. Even if we adopt this position and run with the popular narrative that crimes committed by Hamas are somehow inexplicable, committed against Israelis because Al-Qassam fighters are ‘animals’, ‘inhuman’, ‘other’, what does that make us when we bomb civilian areas and cut off food, water, and electricity to civilians by way of response? It is, quite frankly, an odd thing for our Heads of State to attempt to rationalise. The hypocrisy of demanding Hamas be held accountable for war crimes while being complicit in acts defined under international law as war crimes ourselves does not go unnoticed. It is not an oversight, it is a continuation of our foreign policy which, for too long now, has treated the State of Israel with exceptionalism.

The cognitive dissonance is so hard to contain that European governments have begun to ban pro-Palestinian demonstrations, criminalise waving Palestinian flags and arrest people for wearing keffiyahs in public. Showing solidarity with those subject to one of the biggest, if not the biggest, crimes against humanity of our time is routinely conflated with anti-Semitism in order to silence discourse. It is not without a hint of irony that, in Germany in particular, this has involved the arrest and manhandling of Jewish anti-Apartheid activists. While this happens over here, citizens working for Israeli human rights organisations such as B’Tselem and Breaking the Silence also face intimidation, censorship and arrest. Evidently, the thoughts, feelings and experiences of Jewish people are only acceptable to us provided they do not call into question what every single international human rights organisation has called an Apartheid. Why?

The question is bigger than you might think. Bigger than civilians and settlers. Ordinary Israelis want to live in peace and security, and ordinary Palestinians want basic human rights so that they, too, can live in peace – or live at all. It is our leaders, our NATO governments, our foreign policies and our military budgets that are so invested in maintaining the status quo. We must stop asking ordinary Palestinians and Israelis “what’s the solution?” Whether the USA is fighting a proxy war with Iran, or attempting to foster normalisation between Israel and the surrounding Arab countries for their mutual benefit, we should demand they go about their business (or perhaps abandon it entirely) without oppressing and endangering countless people in the region. The reason this has not been achieved so far is not due to a lack of imagination or because the situation is “too complicated”, it has not been done because our governments are not under sufficient pressure to do otherwise. For the sake of the millions of people caught up in this cycle of colonial violence, the ethnic cleansing of the Palestinian people, and the security of Israelis, we must remember our humanity and demand that we are consistent in our application of international law. We must speak out. We must demand accountability. We must end Apartheid.

My thoughts and prayers go out to every single person who lost their loved ones this week.

How Germany Learned to Stop Worrying and Love the AfD

Recent elections in Hesse and Bavaria have crushed the illusion that extremist politics is an Eastern German phenomenon.


16/10/2023

“Thank you and go vote tomorrow, it’s important!” This is how one of the entertainers on the Social Democratic Party’s (SPD) stage, a young man with a guitar, ended his performance. Because I happened to be in Kassel in the run-up to the state election on Sunday, October 8, I had the chance to observe the Red Carnival that the SPD put up in the city’s central Opernplatz on Saturday. The SPD showing did dwarf the stands from which other parties accosted shop-goers in the area, but it did not live up to the hype. As I walked by, SPD leafleteers made up the majority of hangers-on and, on benches that could have sat around 50 people, only four or five listened to the performance.

All this stands to show how right the singer was: the elections on Sunday were important, especially for the SPD. In Hesse, the state where Kassel is the third-largest city, the Social Democrats have not been in government since 1999 (not that they haven’t had the chance: the SPD torpedoed a red-red-green coalition in 2008 because it refused to collaborate with the Left Party). In 2023, the CDU once again went up and the SPD went down.

West German politicians have long placed the blame for the rise in right-wing extremism on the supposed chauvinist-authoritarian legacy of the GDR.

But the biggest winners and losers are outside the CDU-SPD duopoly. Having first entered the Hessian parliament in 2008, the Left failed to reach the necessary 5% last Sunday and will have no members in the Landtag. While the Left lost all of its nine seats, the Alternative for Germany (AfD) gained as many. With more than 18% of the votes, the far-right party became the second-largest group in Hesse’s parliament.

Last Sunday was a double election day, and not to be outdone Bavaria elected the most right-wing Landtag in the country. The Christian Social Union (CSU, CDU’s Bavarian sibling) won, but with a historically low 37%, their lowest since the reunification of Germany. The AfD and the right populist Freie Wähler (FW) came out third and second, respectively, each increasing their voter share with over 4% since 2018. We might take some solace in the Free Democrats’ failure to get over 5% – but not too much, because most of their voters moved to the CSU, the FW, and the AfD. As one activist from the Munich initiative Offen Bleiben (Remain Open) declared for the taz, “These will be tough years.”

Young and Western

Perhaps the biggest surprise for the German center is that the AfD has escaped the East. And proudly so – Alice Weidel, the party’s co-leader, boasted that “AfD is no longer an Eastern phenomenon, but has become a major all-German party. So we have arrived.” While we on the left might know that Ossis have no inherent inclination toward extremism, West German politicians have long placed the blame for the rise in right-wing extremism on the supposed chauvinist-authoritarian legacy of the GDR.

Of course, history is much more complicated than that, and the present has proven it. The AfD has become an established parliamentary party in two Western states. Hesse is home to Germany’s financial heart, Frankfurt am Main – and, we should not forget, the home of Hanau. Bavaria is home to Gillamoos, the festival that Friedrich Merz declared the bastion of true, authentic Germany. But Merz was probably not happy to see that in Kehleim, the district where Gillamoos takes place, the CSU lost 4.7%, while the AfD and the FW won 3.6% and 5.4%, respectively.

Not only has the AfD made progress into the West, but it also broke new ground among young voters. AfD’s share of the votes expressed by Bavarians aged 18-29 was 18%, significantly higher than their overall result of 14.6%. In Hesse, the party even managed to overtake the Greens among 18-24 year olds.

Even if the mainstream parties will not join the AfD in coalitions, they do allow it to set the terms of appealing to the public. In other words, mainstream parties are meeting the AfD on its own terrain, or hoping to find the secret for its soaring rise and to steal its voter base.

Taking a page from the strategies of up-and-coming far right parties throughout Europe, the AfD has amassed a steady audience on TikTok, a platform ignored by the SDP and the CDU/CSU. But there is more to their success than memes. Young people continue to feel disenfranchised and see their perspectives becoming more and more limited. Young men especially turn toward the far right, who has easy answers and visible culprits to offer. Among voters of all ages, AfD is reaping the benefits of the federal government’s lack of social policies.

So what now?

At the end of the day, in Hesse and Bavaria, we get more of the same. More of the same government, first of all, because CDU/CSU’s position has not yet been challenged from the right and certainly not from the left. The CDU can continue their convenient partnership with the Greens in Hesse, or explore a GroKo with the SPD. The CSU seems to have no problem renewing their alliance with an FW led by the suspected anti-semite Hubert Aiwanger. A “strong and stable government” is what CSU leader Markus Söder believes this election delivered to Bavaria.

But more of the same does not mean a smooth and peaceful life. Because this last round of state elections brought new evidence (as if more was needed) that the rise in AfD support is not a fluke, but a steady trend. Week after week, new opinion polls show the far-right party cementing its second place. In some elections, they even come first, like in the Thuringian district Sonneberg, led by an AfD member, or in Raguhn-Jeßnitz, a small town in Saxony-Anhalt, which made the news by electing the first ever AfD mayor.

More of the same then, means that new taboos and checks set up against the far-right in Germany keep failing. In July, CDU leader Friedrich Merz declared (and then quickly backtracked on) his openness to collaborating with successful AfD candidates. The pragmatics of local administration, Merz insisted, will force politicians to work together with fascists. Moral considerations are not enough to maintain the famed “firewall” between AfD and mainstream parties.

The separation seems particularly vulnerable to class interests. In Thuringia, CDU only managed to pass a reduction in real estate property taxes with parliamentary support from the AfD. Little does it matter that the Thuringian AfD is under observation by German intelligence services for right-wing extremism. It is also led by none other than Björn Höcke, who, at the time of the vote in September, was just beginning his trial for using Nazi slogans during his campaign.

If the Thuringian vote was the first crack in the firewall when it comes to policy-making, the political space has been tilting more and more right. There is no firewall when it comes to discourse and debates. Even if the mainstream parties will not join the AfD in coalitions, they do allow it to set the terms of appealing to the public. In other words, mainstream parties are meeting the AfD on its own terrain, or hoping to find the secret for its soaring rise and to steal its voter base.

Anti-Migrant sentiment in the driver seat

The first thing I saw when I got off the tram in central Kassel was a ver.di demonstration, but walking through the city I quickly noticed that the parties’ campaigns filtered workers’ demands through a different topic: immigration. On one of the city’s main boulevards, an AfD billboard sporting the slogan “We set borders!” was accompanied by a smaller poster with a more sinister message: “Deporting illegals creates housing space.”

The FW also appealed to Hessians’ anti-migration sentiment, with a messaging just slightly more respectable than the AfD, but not different in nature. Orange posters with the message “Migration: Those who want to work are welcome” followed me through the city-center. It seems that their campaign slogan, “A Hesse for all,” should be taken with a pinch of salt. At any rate, Hesse is not yet the place for the FW. They obtained only 3.5% of the vote and failed to further consolidate their position of not being just a Bavarian party, after entering the Rhineland-Palatinate parliament in 2021.

Their approach worked better in Bavaria, where they came second with 15.8%, up 4.2% since the last elections. Shortly before the vote, when Friedrich Merz was criticized for imagining refugees who receive free dental treatment, Aiwanger came to his defense.

There are “many people who are in our social security funds or who have access to our social security funds and medical care who cost us a lot of money,” he declared. We need to “simply not let so many people into the country.”

CSU leader Markus Söder, in turn, announced his intention to stop cash support for rejected refugees in in Bavaria and to lower refugee financial support overall.

And Bavarians believed in all of this. According to Tagesschau polls, migration was the second most important election topic, after economic development. But the two are closely connected – immigrants are one of the causes that people find for ongoing crises and hardships. There is little truth to that, but 98% of FW voters agreed that immigration and asylum laws should be changed so that fewer people enter Germany, more than AfD’s 95% and CSU’s 89% – but what difference do these few percentage points make when 83% of all voters agree on this issue?

In Hesse, climate and energy were the second most important topic for voters. But the Greens, undercut by a tabloid campaign about the boiler law, failed to emphasize the social aspect of their policies. That’s not to say that migration didn’t matter. The average agreement on restricting immigration and asylum is lower in Hesse than in Bavaria, at only 72%. AfD, CDU, and FDP voters, however, all score 90% or more. This was the winning ticket for the Hessian CDU. Boris Rhein, their top candidate, built his campaign on proposing stronger borders and more facile deportations.

Now the SPD is trying to catch up. Federal Interior Minister Nancy Faeser was the party’s top candidate in Hesse, where the shameful 15% result led to calls for her resignation. In the past, Faeser accused Rhein of being too cozy with far-right extremists. But condemning extremism does not win elections, a lesson the SPD seems to have learned. Just a few days after the Hesse vote, Faeser announced a law project that would allow Germany to “deport and expel criminals and dangerous persons more consistently and quickly.” Meanwhile, SPD Chancellor Olaf Scholz met with Merz to discuss imposing an obligation to work on refugees, as demanded by the federal states.

Will the Left draw the same lessons from the Hessian elections as the SPD? Some of its members already have, and the rifts within the party will only be deepened. Just before the Left lost its seats in the Landtag, rumors about Sahra Wagenknecht finally leaving the party to found her own hit the news. Just afterwards, almost 60 of her colleagues demanded her expulsion.

What is certain, however, is that if the Wagenknecht party will make its entrance, its purpose will be to take a bite out of the AfD pie. And that will most likely come with taking a leaf out of the AfD’s book as well. In September, Amira Mohamed Ali, Wagenknecht’s ally and co-chair of the federal Linke fraction, came to the defense of the Thuringian CDU: “What were they supposed to do? Not introduce motions as opposition or withdraw the motion after the wrong people agreed with it?”

A sensible, procedural argument about parliamentarism, which however takes on more worrying dimensions when we account for Wagenknecht’s politics. The immiseration of the German working class, Wagenknecht holds, is caused by immigration and the influx of refugees. Less than a week before the Thuringian affair, the Neue Osnabrücker Zeitung published an interview with Wagenknecht in which she declared that migration must “absolutely” be curtailed.

“There are limits beyond which our country is overburdened and integration no longer works,” Wagenknecht continued, before bringing up more right-wing talking points about immigrants who teach religious hate, exhaust the social state, and disrupt education because they do not speak German.

After the elections, the main target during Wagenknecht’s fierce attacks on the federal government’s failures was Nancy Faeser. Was Wagenknecht condemning Faeser’s racist approach to policing so-called “clans,” perhaps? On the contrary, Wagenknecht took the opportunity to attack her as a weak interior minister. Faeser has supposedly “lost control” of migration and allowed the refugee crisis to become “at least as bad as in 2015.” We need stronger and stricter approaches. No better formulation than Wagenknecht’s own then; if it is founded, her party would be an alternative for AfD voters.

The great moving right show

In his 1979 article grappling with the rise of Thatcherism, Stuart Hall explains what the far right does to reshape ideological space. Even if not successful in its destructive intentions, the radical right still “takes the elements which are already constructed into place, dismantles them, reconstitutes them into a new logic, and articulates the space in a new way, polarizing it to the Right.”

Curbing immigration has also become a question of pragmatism, of protecting Germany not from foreign threats, but from homegrown right-wing extremism… We must appease fascism to stop it from becoming fascism.

Hall’s conjunctural analyses should not be taken as general lessons, applicable everywhere. But I believe that his formulation can help us make sense of the anxiety-inducing monotony with which the AfD has been appearing on the news. A few percent here, a few percent there: at some point we might be tempted to just turn away and let all of this be background noise. Or to say that it is happening just in the wrong places, just with the wrong people. But that would be a mistake.

The AfD’s rise is not a quantitative change, but a qualitative one. When the party comes second in an election, Weidel can confidently declare that the firewall is “deeply undemocratic”. In Bavaria and Hesse, “millions of voters are excluded” because millions of voters have democratically chosen a far-right party. We are living through a re-articulation and re-polarization of German politics. The AfD is dragging to the right our understandings of what is acceptable, what is necessary, what is democratically demanded.

The two elections last Sunday have been the jolt that some needed to realize this. But what the CDU/CSU and other parties seem to have realized is not the creep of fascism, but the truth of Weidel’s words. There are millions of voters who have left them. Millions they want and need. The way to beat the AfD is not to put up a firewall, but to take their place on the right.

After all, Markus Söder made it explicit. Having won his new mandate in Bavaria, he set the tone for his migration policies: “We perceive the AfD as a right-wing extremist party” whose approaches to migration are too harsh. But he also declared that tougher immigration and asylum legislation is nevertheless needed to stop AfD’s rise.

After the result in Bavaria and Hesse, the German right (and not just the far-right) has new wings – and more space. What Söder’s declaration shows is that they don’t need to only rely on law and order to justify their racism. Curbing immigration has also become a question of pragmatism, of protecting Germany not from foreign threats, but from homegrown right-wing extremism. It just so happens that doing so requires moving to the right. We must appease fascism to stop it from becoming fascism.

The AfD’s “exclusion from responsibilities of government is not sustainable,” Weidel predicted. With current developments, she is right. We might not see the AfD in governing coalitions, but we will see more and more of their policies and discourses. The AfD have not yet taken the system apart, but they are charting the system’s path.

Televised Genocide and Brutalization of the oppressed

A Palestinian woman reflects on the ongoing terror suffered by the people of Gaza


13/10/2023

My opinions are mine and mine alone; they are NOT meant to represent any other’s opinion but my own. Because I am an individual. Because I have my own background and my own upbringing and my own history. Because I have my own personal tragedies and my collective inherited tragedies. Because I made my own experiences in life, and I lived my own culture and religion and political situation. My opinions are my own, so since we live in a democratic society, allow me to voice my opinions, without being deemed to fear losing my Aufenthaltstitel and therefore my Job.. community.. the life I love and cherish … give me my freedom of speech, without fear having drastic consequences!

No one should celebrate the death of civilians. No one should support the kidnapping of innocent people.. innocent children. NO ONE! I would never cheer a group like Hamas or agree with the way it fights occupation. But why do we have to turn a blind eye to the suffering of the oppressed? Nowhere is this more apparent than in the long-standing tragedy of Palestine. 

The “civilised” world, having claimed moral superiority, rebukes the inhumanity of those whose humanity they have systematically denied for generations. It is a people whose existence they have sought to obliterate through relentless acts of murder, dispossession, and ethnic cleansing.

Have we ever walked a mile in their shoes? Or dared to imagine what it’s like to exist as a 16-year-old born into an open-air prison, where the ominous thunder of bombs punctuates our daily life, where drones and jets replace the clear blue skies, and where every step we take is scrutinised by an all-seeing, AI-powered military force? Can we fathom the despair of enduring hunger, no electricity, no clean water and no heat, all not due to natural disasters or poverty but because of a cruel, racist, man-made blockade?

Do we imagine being born into having no-rights… into a reality where some US-American nationals or British nationals have seized our lands and our homes and settled in it, living mere metres away from us, revelling in a paradise of privileges, while we are relegated to the margins of life? How does it feel when we’ve been stripped of everything we once owned, of the very essence of who we are and could have become if given the chance? What would our life look like when “normalcy” equates to death, terror, apartheid, air raids, bloodshed, and ceaseless destruction?

What would we do after the sight of baby brother’s insides exposed after he got killed when an Israeli rocket targeted our home or witnessing little sister lose her eye and limp in an explosion?

How does it feel knowing our future is non-existent, our past is being rewritten by those who control the narrative, and our present is a precarious tightrope walk between survival and the abyss of violence?

As the leaders in the “civilised” world condemn the killing of innocents, they act as if the violence of the oppressed could only target the guilty in their fortified compounds. They endorse and legitimise only their preferred brand of brutality: ethnic cleansing concealed in legal formalities, so-called “targeted” massacres facilitated by cutting-edge technology, the legal detention of children, inhumane blockades, and embargoes. Conveniently overlooking the stains on their own hands and the hands of their alt-right counterparts leading the Apartheid State of Israel, soaked in the blood of the innocent civilians from both sides. 

Have we all forgotten that the Israelis starting their own “spring” in the past two years? Have we forgotten all the reports from human rights organisations unveiling Israel’s war crimes and Apartheid?

In their skewed narrative, attacking a police station in Israel is labelled as terrorism, while bombing a hospital in Gaza is an act of self-defence. The “civilised” world, is a world where a British Foreign Secretary endorses the war crime of collective punishment through starvation, and the German Chancellor remains notably silent on international human rights violations, repeatedly asserting that the Zionist state of Israel has the right to take any measures against the Palestinian occupied civilians.

Those who denounce Hamas’s actions today are the same voices that condemned the unarmed demonstrations at the Gaza border fence in 2018, where 223 Palestinians perished without a firearm in their hands. They criminalise the peaceful BDS campaign, a non-violent means to pressure Israel to end its occupation of the West Bank and Gaza. They deny the Palestinian Authority the right to seek redress at the International Court of Justice. They demand, instead, that the Palestinian people accept their own historical marginalisation and die silently.

Amidst this turmoil, I am confronted with these distressing images of murdered infants and the anguished cries of traumatised children. It sears my soul and leaves an indelible mark on my conscience to witness this happen again and again. Leaving me in a state of profound grief and disbelief. The images and videos we receive every day from Palestine are deeply distressing. None of us feel well as we watch from afar the ongoing genocide being perpetrated against our people, while the world watches, spreading gruesome lies about us in the media. These lies perpetuate our dehumanisation and normalise our deaths.

Palestinians in Gaza find themselves forced to photograph and take videos of their dead and of their horror and share them on social media as a grim documentation of this ongoing genocide, the harsh and painful truth that they are suffering daily. We all can witness the unfiltered massacre, the one that remains hidden from the headlines. I refuse to remain a passive observer as my people endure the relentless assault of internationally illegal chemical weapons. While I often hear Western voices and politicians advocating for their annihilation, adding to the gravity of the situation.

I am forced to witness propagandist narratives and the proliferation of fabricated information in western press outlets that are traditionally trusted and respected sources of information. Narratives diverting attention from the real crises and pressing concerns. The exhaustion that engulfs me daily is overwhelming, borne from the obligation to combat falsehoods and engage in conversations that detract from addressing the actual issues.

As a Palestinian in Berlin, I grapple with the stark reality that Palestinians are penalised en masse solely based on their identity. It’s disheartening to witness the toleration of police brutality and racism within this society, driven by a misguided assumption that we who identify as Muslims or Arabs share identical beliefs. This ingrained mindset reeks of racism and prejudice. I am told to “return to where you come from” simply because I dare to critique even the smallest aspect of politics or societal imperfections. It’s vital to recognize that my critique emerges from active engagement within this society, and in a democratic setting, shouldn’t we encourage open dialogue and civil discourse instead of stifling dissenting voices?

From the “civilised” world, the Palestinian people are offered nothing but the silencing of their voices, the tacit approval of their deaths, or at best, deafening silence.

Perhaps it’s time for the epiphany to strike, especially among the well-meaning adherents of social democracy, those whose own history is tainted with the blood of colonial and imperial violence. If you cannot stomach the violence of the oppressed, then it is high time to halt the oppressor. 

SAVE GAZA. FREE PALESTINE.

This is an updated version of an article by a member of Feminist Bloc | Palestine Speaks which we published on theleftberlin last week