Last night I had a nightmare. In it, my dad was murdered in my rented apartment. He was killed in such a gruesome way that doctors refused to take his body to the morgue. That’s why, like at the beginning of the war, I went to live in the office building again. And in the gay church, which is practically outlawed in Ukraine.
I tried to fall asleep immediately, refusing to live in such an ugly reality. But when I started to drift off, I realized I wanted to escape not from reality, but from the nightmare. It’s worth mentioning that I don’t have a dad. Just as I don’t have a homeland.
When discussing war, we talk about Ukraine and Russia, forgetting that the state is a myth that exists only as long as people believe in it. And we forget about people.
Today, many are more concerned about the fate of the state than the fate of its people, which is both shameful and frightening. Logic suggests that the fate of the state will determine the destinies of millions of people, so the fate of the state should take priority. But the nuance of reality suggests otherwise; what’s good for the state isn’t always good for the individual.
Let me show you an example that recently occurred in a Ukrainian mining town, my hometown. The town has been occupied by the Russian army for 2 years now. Finally, one of my friends decided to emigrate. She left through Crimea to Russia, and from there to Turkey. Eventually, she decided to settle in Lithuania. However, she didn’t like it there and decided to return. But she wasn’t allowed back home. Not having obtained a Russian passport in 2 years meant she didn’t support the new government, so she was denied entry.
A huge number of people got Russian passports in territories under occupation. My other buddies did it but that one girl refused. War devalues everything, but we must still realize that emigration is difficult and traumatic, and not suitable for everyone. It’s important to understand I’m not claiming that emigration is harder than war; I’m asserting that it’s also difficult. And so, many choose to live under shelling just to avoid the hardships of emigration. To adapt, many have to get Russian passports if they want to work.
What? Isn’t a job worth someone’s safety? Recently I read the news that two Ukrainian men were detained for illegally crossing the border. Surprisingly, they were not trying to escape, but to return. They could not find jobs in Europe and after a while went back. Since they left Ukraine by crossing the river, they decided to return the same way, but were caught.
Back to our story. Upon returning to Lithuania, my friend suddenly sent me 254 euros. That same evening, she called me and asked to write a book about her situation. I found it funny, not only her intention but also its realization – 254 euros. Why exactly 254? It turned out to be simple – it was her last bit of spare money, what she had planned to spend on leisure after paying rent and other obligatory expenses.
Naturally, I returned the money to her, promising to tell her story in an upcoming essay. By the time I got around to it, the story had taken a turn: a successful date in Vilnius rendered her problems insignificant. More proof that home is not just a place on the map but an internal feeling.
I write this again to emphasize that not everything that is good for the state is good for the individual. Many today support Ukraine, but how many think about those living in the occupied territories? What will happen to them if these cities return under Ukraine’s control? The cynicism with which Ukraine regards the guys who left the country suggests that even people who have received Russian passports in the occupied territories will be subject to oppression by the Ukrainian authorities.
Let me remind you that the occupied territories are located in eastern Ukraine, and therefore, the most Russian-speaking cities are located there. In my mining town, there are no Ukrainian-speaking people at all. At least there weren’t while I lived there. The Ukranian liberation of Russian-speaking cities during a period of aggressive Ukrainization is a dangerous matter. It warrants at least public discussion.
What do the Ukrainian authorities do for emigrants? They limit access to consular services. They intimidate us with monthly news about deportation. They call for the closure of integration programs for Ukrainians in the EU. There are endless debates within Ukraine about how many years to imprison those who left. Could the same fate await my dear grandma if Ukraine regains my mining town?
Thinking about this is like waking up again in the office and in the church. And again, everywhere there are corpses, but now they are strangers’ dads’. The question is not who will win. The question is why people feel bad even when they do win.
It’s been 2 weeks since I received the strange payment of 254 euros, and I’m still thinking about it. I remember Gabriel Garcia Marquez, who sold his fridge to afford to write a novel. Besides the fridge, he also had to sell his radio. And to send the manuscript to the publisher by mail, he pawned his wife’s hairdryer and blender.
When discussing the war in Ukraine, I often talk about the decline of culture as one of the reasons for the war. If writers and artists could more easily find financial support, there would be more works that foster a more critical attitude towards current events. How does this work? Culture shapes values that create a defense against the influence of war propaganda.
For example, a propagandist will never admit to not believing in heroism, but a writer can and should. Are you curious why someone would not believe in heroism? And what’s wrong with heroism in the first place? The thing is, heroism often embodies an attraction to death, which is the opposite of a love for life. In other words: one who finds life more terrifying is less scared of death (you can read more about it in the first essay I wrote for The Left Berlin which is called A Closer Look at Heroism).
Putting such a person on a pedastal in front of society is reckless, but it benefits the state during wartime to push citizens towards reckless actions, such as sacrificing their own lives for a myth. The duty of a writer is to stand on the side of humanity, even knowing that at the moment they may believe the state is their only friend. Remember, to write a novel, one writer already had to sell a hairdryer and a fridge.
But what if the writer doesn’t have their own fridge? Is it worth hoping for support from the state? True art stands on the side of humanity, while the state doesn’t always do the same. That’s why the paths of creativity and the state often diverge, and accordingly, support should be sought not from the state, but from the people. We all know who funds propaganda. Resisting it is often a selfless act of individuals who need your support. Fighters for justice in the capitalist world often find themselves in a weak position, but it’s within our power to change that.
Looking at my friend’s odd gesture, I wonder about the likelihood that she tricked me. What if she knew I would return her money, but her gesture would inspire me to write this essay? Yesterday, I spoke to her on the phone. She laughed but declined to comment.
This piece is a part of a series, The Mining Boy Notes, published on Mondays and authored by Ilya Kharkow, a writer from Ukraine. For more information about Ilya, see his website. You can support his work by buying him a coffee.
“The only place to reflect critically is on the streets”
interview with Robert Yerachmiel Sniderman, Adi Liraz, and Eliana Pliskin Jacobs about their artistic project WE SEE
WE SEE / WIR SEHEN / ΕΜΕΙΣ ΒΛΕΠΟΥΜΕ / אנחנו רואות / نحن نرى is a project conceptualized by artists Adi Liraz and Robert Yerachmiel Sniderman, with Eliana Pliskin Jacobs as a collaborative performer. The multi-site performance between Ioannina, Greece, and Berlin, Germany took place on March 29th, 2024. It was the shabbat evening after the 80th year since the deportation of Liraz’s grandmother. The artists sat, walked, and reflected on the unfolding atrocities in Gaza, repeating “Gaza my love, we see”. It draws on historical imagery of antisemitism in Germany, particularly the blindfolded figure representing a blind Judaism known as Synagoga. The artists insisted on their presence as a protest in the places where their families had been exterminated by National Socialism.
For Adi Liraz, it connected to the murder of the family of her grandmother in Ioannina. For Eliana Pliskin Jacobs, it connected to the murder of her great-grandparents in Berlin. For all the artists, insisting on reflecting upon these histories of violence was essential to protest the ongoing mass killing and ethnic cleansing in Gaza. They gazed through historically imposed blindfolds, to comment on the systematic repression in Germany and beyond – of pro-Palestinian Jewish voices. These demand the right to see their Holocaust histories in constellation with other acts of mass violence, underlining “Gaza my love, we see”.
They wrote that, “Facing the mass killing + ethnic cleansing of Palestinians perpetrated by the State of Israel*, we, carrying these stories, refuse the fascism forced on Jews by Nationalists + Philosemites. You tell us we lie. Thirty thousand murdered; 13,000 children; 1.8 million displaced; 700,000 in most severe starvation; 1.3 million in acute hunger facing it; 70% homes destroyed; 1 million ghettoized in Rafah waiting invasion. You tell us we lie. You tell us burn + bury through infants in incubators, water, universities, hospitals, poets, flour or we blaspheme our ancestors Nelly + Rivka + Annetta + Nissim + Erna + Martin or we’re not ourselves, you blindfold us, Gaza my love, we see you inside ourselves.” Full project statement here.
I was wondering about the historical background of the Ecclesia and Synagoga figures. Can you explain their meaning and how they inspired this latest project?
AL: I work as a freelancer-guide at the Jewish Museum of Berlin. There are two replicas of figures from the 15th century in the core exhibition. A year or a year and a half ago Robert came with a group of students, I gave them a tour and showed them the two figures. Since then Robert and I have conversed about them. Already from the Middle Ages, I think the 11th century, and even before that they appeared in 5th century Rome. Around then, the church started propaganda against Jews using the figures, Ecclesia and Synagoga. This was to promote Christianity by presenting Judaism as backward, blindfolded – and Christianity as a queen looking to the future. Everyone could see them. This further influenced hatred towards Jews that developed into actual violence against Jews.
RYS: We thought about Synagoga as one part of an ancient racial imagination of Jewish blindness. There’s a 13th century public engraving on the Schlosskirche in Wittenberg, a UNESCO World Heritage Site, wherein Jewish men are depicted suckling a pig, while one opens and stares into the animal’s anus. The image references a sermon from Martin Luther, declaring Jews find the Talmud inside a pig’s anus; the Talmud, being, as Daniel Boyarin has written, that which “maintained a diasporic existence.” To us, this “Jewish Sow” image was also one on Jewish blindness. A German convert to Judaism in recent years sued to remove the engraving. Historical preservation laws prevailed. Adi and I took a position that such public imagery should remain, yet accompanied by some form of permanent, if changing, intervention, because it evidences a deep, thousand-year legacy buried in a contemporary German discourse that isolates Nazism in history, culture, and power. But the roots are so deep and the visual discourse, on blindness in this case, remains potent.
AL: To contextualize this within contemporary discourse, most often when you hear the word antisemitism, or hate against Jews – in Germany it is almost always in connection to refugees from Muslim countries or Palestinians. In a way it seems like German society is trying to push away their own responsibility for the deep-rooted hate against Jews within its own history. The word anti-Semitism comes from Germany. Of course we cannot deny that anti-Semitism also exists in Muslim countries. But this is actually something that was reflected from the colonial projects of Christianity to either convert other people to Christianity or conquer and occupy Muslim countries. That brought with it this idea of the Jew as powerful, rich, conspiring. We tried to reflect on that in this work.
RYS: And to use the figure actually as a performer: to take the statue from the museum to the streets. To re-inhabit that figure in order to create a visual, ethical, cultural intervention in the contemporary landscape.
I found it really interesting how multi-sited your interventions were, between Greece, Ioannina; Germany, Berlin; referencing Palestine, Gaza; and enacting memory-scapes stretching back generations and histories. How did these physical and memorial places come together for you all: for Adi and Robert as the work’s conceptualizers and for Eliana as a performer?
EPJ: I think that one of the most interesting elements about this performance is that it looks across so many spaces, especially towards what’s happening in Palestine and also seeing inside ourselves. It was very powerful that Adi and I were doing the same thing at the same time in our – as much as Jews can call it such – ancestral homelands. I found this spanning a very powerful part of the work.
AL: For me, the core of this work is commemoration of different violent events in which people are being mass murdered or ethnically cleansed. I don’t think there is a justification for competition between who has suffered more. It’s possible to feel several things and not only one pain. When we look at the 80th commemoration day of my ancestors in Ioannina, I can also commemorate the expulsion and murder of Eliana’s great-grandparents; and the contemporary violence acts against the population in Gaza.
RYS: What you called a multi-site performance, Sarah, is connected for me to the idea of how we perform our diaspora, or diasporas in the plural. Because Jewish history contains multiple diasporas. The bifurcation of our world into exile and Israel is a Zionist narrative. When we perform in multiple sites, we pull traditions from those sites and cultures. We serve our diasporas, we perpetuate our diasporas. We say: We live, Jews live.
EPJ: Within Yiddish-speaking communities of Eastern Europe there was a very strong concept of Doikayt, meaning “hereness”, being here. Zionism as the default mentality of Jews was only imposed on many Jewish communities after the Holocaust. Before, there was a widespread cultural pride in diaspora, at least in the Yiddish community of Eastern Europe.
AL: Just to add on to that, the National Socialists argued that Jews do not belong in Germany and need to go to Palestine. So actually there is a strong connection between imposed Zionism and National Socialism. This is the significance of working here in Ioannina for me. Because it used to be Ottoman for such a long time. But dominated by a Muslim empire, it welcomed and even invited Jews to be part of it. But I do not ignore the atrocities committed by this empire towards other populations and later towards Jews in Turkey.
In the six months since October 7th, how do you feel about doing this recent artistic work in an atmosphere of increased pro-Palestine repression and silencing of speech? Where do you think artistic actions fit in this space?
AL: Pari El-Qalqili and Nahed Samour argue that political art or the arts in general, cannot exist anywhere else in the moment but in the street. In Germany after October 7th, there is censorship of critical voices. So the only place to actually reflect critically is on the streets. Many people are not talking at all or are very selective with their words, especially people who don’t have German or European citizenship. We can also think about the meaning of protests. There are demonstrations, which often end with a mass arrest – and there is a kind of protest through creating interventions, using different kinds of materials and tools through art. In a way there is more freedom of speech in these kinds of actions. So if we look at it from the perspective of protest, there is more possibility to express and create criticism through art. If we look at it from art institutions, it is more possible to be critical out on the streets – than in the institutions themselves. Since October 7th, in the institutions is such a strong censorship and repression.
EPJ: As Adi mentioned, everybody’s scared, but nobody actually knows what would happen if you step across the boundary. I think there might even be more leniency than we’re aware of. For instance a large Jewish institution in Germany (name redacted) liked our Instagram post about the project. I think the only way to find out the boundary is to push against it gradually. Conversely, I think there is absolutely no discourse in Germany, or in the rest of the world now, on what is going on right now within a larger historical context. Perhaps it’s too present for people to step back and see historical phenomena in perspective. But I wish this were addressed even in demonstrations in Germany. Both in terms of Germany providing weapons for Israel and providing the enormous spark that eventually led to all this in the first place.
RYS: I think that if we were able to have an informed and truthful discourse around this—the ties between the Holocaust and the ongoing Nakba—it would be different. We would all be different. Honestly, I see a lot of antisemitism at demonstrations. I’m sorry to say this. I’ve seen signs that read: “Zionists are indigenous to hell” and “If you love them so much why don’t you give them your land”. These phrases mask earnest widespread anti-colonial and humanitarian desperations that I share. And they scald the very pulse of the extreme vulnerability and volatile relationship to land and politics Ashkenazi and Sephardic Jews have bore over the past thousand years. It is a vulnerability and volatility that is at the root of this cycle of genocide we see tearing our world apart today. I think it’s because we can’t have this conversation nearly anywhere that there’s so much personification, radicalization, and mystification of its trans-generational roots and trajectories. It’s as if at once Jews were the only victims that ever existed but now (as Zionists) they’re the only perpetrators. Between them Nazism forming this bridge of exceptionalism. But Palestine/Israel is part of the former Ottoman Empire, the slow dismantling of which, over centuries, constituted multiple genocides and ethnic cleansing campaigns from every ethno-sectarian direction. The catastrophe of Palestine/Israel extends all these histories.
We’ve touched on repression in Germany as well as other places. Alongside this, at least as I have observed within leftist Jewish contexts in Berlin and New York, there is often a discourse about the privilege of being Jewish. Namely, that Jewish people have some leverage to not get punished as badly as many more precarious people intervening. They can use their status as a model minority in Germany to intervene, particularly to help the Palestinian cause. What do you think are the potentials and pitfalls of intervening as a Jewish artist in Germany?
AL: There was a time when I thought I was protected in Germany because I’m Jewish and Israeli, and then I learned that this is bullshit. Of course, in comparison to other discriminated groups we´re more privileged, but it’s not like we are protected. We can also be accused or lose our access to certain things when we become too vocal about some topics. Each time when we say things that do not fit into the “Jew box”, are not well digested, we can also be excluded.
EPJ: And I might add that the idea of the privileges of being Jewish in Germany are based in discrimination, in stereotyping and generalizations about a particular desired kind of Jew. Germany wants to protect its Jews but it wants to protect its good Jews. There are a couple of bad Jews – let’s just push them to the corner and not listen to them.
RYS: I think we need to say that Palestinian-Germans and peoples, in this context, especially Muslim and Arab, without papers or with precarious papers, of course they’re always more vulnerable when demonstrating, when making statements, when doing the kind of work that the three of us feel more or less able to do. When we create such things in the streets of Europe we are thinking about their circumstances and trying to enact a solidarity with them and their families.
Where do you think the use of certain terms, words, or terminologies fits within such solidarity and broader possibilities of artistic intervention, especially in German spaces? In this recent project, you all had a lot of debate over whether to use the word “genocide” to describe what is going on in Gaza. It is not about a lack of information or disagreement with this term to describe what is going on, but rather about a climate of fear and intimidation when people use this word in Germany, alongside a broad lack of contextualization and discussion.
AL: Yes, earlier we were talking about fear, also of certain terminologies, these things are also dynamic. Some things that we were able to say before October 7th became forbidden afterwards. Some things that in the first couple of months after October 7th were forbidden are now allowed. It’s constantly changing. The only thing that is stable is the fear put on us from Germany. This causes us to doubt and rethink how we express ourselves and the use of the word genocide. I have read the official definition of what the German government considers genocide so many times. Each time I read it, I don’t understand why it does not apply to what is happening right now in Gaza. I was afraid to use it until recently because of the fear of what could happen to me. We had a conversation around whether to use “genocide” in our project description because we both have certain ideas and are afraid and trying to protect ourselves. It’s ridiculous because we are all Jews! Eliana and I have ancestors who were murdered by Germans in events defined as genocide in the official definition, and yet we are afraid to use this word. It’s ridiculous.
EPJ: Precisely. We are afraid of accusations of anti-Semitism, which is absurd. Because we are using this term in the context in which we are talking about our great grandparents who were murdered by anti-Semitism. The descendants of those who murdered them are now accusing us of committing the same crime (“anti-Semitism”) that their great grandparents did to murder ours. They put the responsibility of their own crimes and atonement onto the descendants of their own victims.
AL: This is what our performance is about. They put the blindfold on us, they try to blind us, but they don’t succeed.
RYS: And we see through other means. Why are we doing this? Why have we been yelling about these things along with many other Jews and Palestinians and non-Jews and non-Palestinians for years, decades? From a Jewish perspective it’s about the integrity of our ancestors. We don’t want to see our ancestors and the crimes against them used to justify or obfuscate the crimes against other people. This is a horrible, violating feeling. After receiving the violence, there’s very little that’s worse than this.
This recent piece connects back to both of your broader artistic practices and their motivations. Robert, there are intersections with your recent action in Warsaw with Joanna Rajkowska, and your different walking actions in Berlin. Adi, this connects to your project Asking for Nelly (2019), a walk in Ioannina about your grandmother’s younger sister. It links to Megorashet (2022), a walk in Heidelberg reflecting on the city’s entanglement with Greek symbols and German nationalism; and Alle Erinnerungen fließen ins Meer und wieder raus (2021) an action of remembrance of three German-speaking poets, May Ayim, Semra Ertan, and Rose Ausländer. In your works, there are intersections with walking and rituals of commemoration. How are your broader bodies of work in dialogue with this recent collaboration?
AL: Yes, it directly relates to Asking for Nelly, which was in Ioannina five years ago shortly before the recent performance, March 25th. It was the 75th commemoration of the deportation of the Jews of Ioannina. Five years ago I was walking while wearing a similar dress and holding a projector that projected the image of the sister of my great-grandmother, Nelly. I walked from the place where the deportation started, through the synagogue, to the family´s house. This time I wasn’t walking, I was sitting. I sat because I wanted to look through the blindfold to the location where the Jews of Ioannina were deported from. I wasn’t walking – but looking. Many of Robert’s and at least one of Eliana’s have commonalities, with elements of commemoration, public rituals, aiming to receive solidarity from the audience. For me, this is one of the main reasons why I create art in public space. But it’s also about accessibility, about bringing communication and storytelling to people. To create the possibility to learn and interact not only by going into prestigious institutions. It’s also a spiritual experience; people are feeling very connected and there are moments of exchange, of learning and of communality.
RYS: I felt honoured to have created this piece with Adi. This is our first significant collaboration. My family was not deported or murdered in the Shoah, but were exiled during the Pogrom era in the late 19th century and early 20th century. I felt moved to work with Adi and Eliana in the exact sites where their families were deported to their murder in order to together protest for life. It was a very intense practice. I realize it follows the trajectory I’ve taken in recent years; that is a process of poetic mediation, in helping others imagine a way through tumultuous conditions of memory, violation, and land. Adi and I have created a visual language with the blindfold. It is a potent supplement in its context, and I think could be used by others to cut through the imprisoned yet urgently necessary discourse of the Holocaust and the Nakba. It is a kind of public performance that reaches quickly and deeply into mold-infested undercurrents of social imagination which fuel today’s atrocities. It reaches to find another language, to transmute this violence.
Thank you all for sharing your thoughts. Any final words?
ESP: I condemn Germany for using their murder of our great grandparents to justify the murder of countless more today. For putting the responsibility of atonement for its own genocide onto its own victims. And for turning the lesson that it should have learned from its past – never again shall there be systematic extermination – completely upside down as it now supports systematic extermination. I urge the German public to recognize the inherent diversity of Jewish discourse, and to hear the many voices of those of us who cry “Stop supporting the killing of our sisters and brothers!”
Berlin evicts pro-Palestinian camp that set up in front of the Reichstag
Free speech is being taken apart in front of our eyes. It is time for German civil society to stand up
After seven months of protests against the genocide in Gaza—which has been sponsored, encouraged, and defended by Germany—police brutality toward pro-Palestinian activists is no longer surprising to those paying attention. A fortnight ago, Germany made headlines for the banning and live-streamed dissolution of the Palestine Congress in Berlin.
The encampment began on the day that Nicaragua sued Germany in the International Court of Justice in The Hague for its complicity in the genocide in Gaza. During the intermittent weeks, there have been activities, talks, and concerts hosted within the camp. Yet there have also been daily arrests and unprecedented rules that the police appeared to come up with on the spot, such as campers having to move all tents daily, and the banning all languages other than German and English. After protests at the camp, police allowed Arabic to be used for a few hours while there was a translator, so people could pray. In the name of fighting antisemitism within the peaceful encampment, not only Irish, an official EU language, but also Hebrew was banned.
Other bans implemented by police included a the removal of a sofa from the encampment, thereafter nicknamed “comrade sofa” (I recommend following our comrade’s Instagram), tables, chairs, hanging things from trees, and red triangles (which led to the painting of red circles by protestors). Unable to break the morale of the campers with arrests and absurd rules, and recognizing the beginning of summer tourist season, which attracts hundreds of tourists daily to the esplanade in front of the parliament where the encampment was installed, police gave an immediate eviction order at the site.
This order claimed that prohibited acts had taken place, such as speaking in languages other than German or English, saying “from the river to the sea”, and critically, because the grass on the esplanade must be protected. As Philip Roth writes in Operation Shylock: “It is too ridiculous to be taken seriously, and too serious to be ridiculous”.
Arbitrary arrests and bans are a constant occurrence at demonstrations and events in support of the Palestinian cause. During the last seven months in this country, there have been arrests for: wearing kufiyas, shouting “Free Palestine”, wearing stickers with a fist on them, and calling the police Nazi or antisemitic for are laughing at the kippah with a watermelon motif worn by a Jewish colleague, who was arrested by force the next second by the same police officer.
In addition, arrests have been made for minors for carrying marbles with which they were playing, for displaying maps of Palestine from 1947 to the present day, Jewish activists wearing the Star of David in the colors of the Palestinian flag, carrying a banner reading “Jews against Genocide,” or calling the police ridiculous in public. This is all done in the name of fighting antisemitism in Germany—and it is an incomplete list of arrestable offenses.
It should be mentioned that what these arrests mentioned above have in common is that the people targeted are either of migrant origin, mostly Palestinian, as Germany is home to the largest Palestinian community outside the Middle East, or Jewish. What this points to is two things: the deep-seated racism and antisemitism in the German police, and the low presence and engagement of white Germans at demonstrations and events.
This silence, and thus complicity, of a huge part of German society will be the subject of study for decades to come. The pro-Palestine encampments being set up on US campuses, and the growing solidarity of students and professors stand in stark contrast to the largely silent college campuses here in Germany.
Rather than prompting an outcry in defense of free speech and the right of assembly in the sacrosanct public universities, the German press and society became divided between condemning these students who, without evidence were branded as dangerous antisemites (several of the students were in fact Jewish), or simply looking the other way.
It is in this breeding ground of apathy, constant criminalisation, excuses and, let’s not kid ourselves, absolute support from a large part of society, even some who consider themselves leftists, that the German state is skirting democratic boundaries and slipping into authoritarianism in all matters pertaining to the Palestinian liberation movement.
But here, right now, Germany’s adjustments toward authoritarianism don’t seem to matter; in fact, it is welcomed by too many who accept German politicians and media framing it as a fight against jihadist terrorism and antisemitism. Right now, critical thinking, in general, is conspicuous by absence. While much of German society has indicated privately that they that Israel is going too far, few seem to be showing up in public to defend these beliefs.
Nor does this majority appear to care that in Germany today, there is no full right of speech or assembly when criticising the same genocidal actions they allegedly take issue with. This may be because they do not agree with what is said at pro-Palestinian demonstrations, which many interpret in black and white terms, to be for either Palestine or Israel, since the political and historical context has for decades been either banned or directly rewritten in Israel’s favour.
The absurdity reaches Dantesque limits when the anti-Deutsche (known also as anti-Germans, they are a theoretically left-wing anti-fascist movement, which opposes the establishment of the German state due to its crimes in World War II) While their motto is “Never again Germany,” they presently fill the streets with stickers of the Israeli flag next to the anti-fascist flag, as if Netanyahu and his government were not extreme right-wing politicians; organize events about antisemitism without first inviting Jewish comrades to talk about their experience; inviting a singular, token Jewish participant onto their panel, complain about anti-German hatred in videos of the aforementioned camp where “Fuck You Germany” was shouted.
Apparently only the anti-Deutsche can complain about a country that is actively complicit in the genocide in Gaza—a genocide in which many of the camp’s protesters have lost dozens, or hundreds of family members and friends—a country which is forcibly suppressing demonstrations, riding roughshod over the right of assembly and free speech of those who inconvenience it.
What is Dead May Never Die: The Rebirth of Campus Occupations
The Columbia University occupation and it’s violent dispersal has rebirthed the haunting spectres of 1968 student radicalism.
On Tuesday, I awoke to the news that Columbia University students had stormed Hamilton Hall and renamed it “Hind” Hall after Hind Rajab, the five year old child murdered by an Israeli tank on January 29 when fleeing the Tel Al-Hawa neighborhood of Gaza City. This development follows a week-long Gaza Solidarity Encampment, which has activated campuses nation-, and now, worldwide.
The latest occupation and escalation was a direct response to the university writing a public statement the previous day stating they would not divest support to Israel; their demand for the protest to be broken up by 2 pm with threats of suspension for participating students.
Vietnam Protest
Hamilton Hall was last occupied on April 23, 1968, when students stormed the hall and took the college president hostage. The event also had a notable German anti-Fascist flavour with the “Springer Demonstration”, an event “supporting German speakers against Fascism”, and a screening of the German anti-imperialist film “Three Penny Opera” from 1931.
The students’ message was that Columbia University was complicit in the ongoing atrocities in the Vietnam War. The uncovered link was between the IDA—Institute for Defense Analysis—and the University, an institutional member of the IDA.
Additionally, the protests revolved around segregated gymnasiums in Morningside Park and the eviction of black and hispanic families to clear more land for a campus expansion. Students stood in solidarity with arrested student protestors, and the demands made on April 23, 1968, had to deal with the students’ fates.
Today’s Protests
The demands from the current protest are eerily similar to those in 1968, if even more depressing in the university leadership’s craven complicity with atrocities.
Columbia has over 13 billion dollars in endowment funds, which the Columbia University Apartheid Divest, a coalition of campus groups, has campaigned to bring into the spotlight. Investments the university has made in companies such as BlackRock, AirBnb, Caterpillar, and Google, are directly linked to the Israeli government’s genocidal campaign against Palestinians.
For example, Airbnb rents out apartments in the West Bank, and Israel uses Caterpillars’ bulldozers to destroy the homes of Palestinians and clear land for new settlements. The link between private ownership and investments is directly linked to the creation of new markets and landed interest for capitalists to expand their businesses on occupied land.
This form of protest has worked before. In 1985, Columbia divested support from companies that supported the Apartheid regime in South Africa…
Columbia also has a special relationship with Tel Aviv University, offering a dual degree program and creating the Columbia Global Center in Tel Aviv. These global projects and initiatives entrench collaboration with the genocidal actions of the Israeli government, with the profit margins the involved corporations stand to gain from them.
Media Response
In the intervening years between the Vietnam protests and the current protests, the playbook has more or less stayed the same for those liberals and conservatives siding with capitalists: protesters are accused of siding with illiberal forces, claim they’re naive, young, and stupid, or, most provocatively, called them agents of foreign forces or antisemitic terrorists.
In her article for the Telegraph, Janet Daley typifies the response by conservatives and even some liberals.
“My generation of student radicals fought for liberty. Today’s are a delusional cult,”
It approaches it from the cynical, “that was then, this is now, the young should know more and do less,” which was the same kind of brow-beating patronizing many conservatives hurled at activists like Daley in 1968 and justified the violence on them.
In the most extreme examples, liberals have relitigated the Vietnam War protest and come up against its contradictions and conservation of private interest. The general attitude of these conservative and liberal voices is unified: “How dare you disrupt our peace and tranquility and side with forces we don’t like.” How dare them, indeed.
Divestment Campaigns Work
More than ever, American and European capitalists are desperate to have their utopian liberal project be seen in lockstep with the expansion of settlements in the Israeli government’s occupation of historic Palestine. More than ever, this liberal project will remain entrenched in its ethnic cleansing violence when it inconveniences them or their profit margins, and that goes for the treatment of protestors as well.
If Columbia and other universities don’t want to divest support from Israel, the protesters should continue to force the question to the university’s faces and wallets. The lives of students not supporting the protests and the politicians who visited the college and booed should be disrupted. These disruptions, beyond anything else, are what will force the hand of capitalists. Bourgeois hands of reaction are guided by the ghostly, seductive promise of blood-drenched lands cleared for their profit-driven market. Non-violent protests and disruptions to daily life should continue until all the protesters’ demands are met.
…the end of the occupation was a negotiation of violence between state officials and campus administration officials whose bourgeois interests were on the line.
This form of protest has worked before. In 1985, Columbia divested support from companies that supported the Apartheid regime in South Africa after a long pressure campaign by campus activists. The university took a 4% decrease from its portfolio.
By Tuesday night, the New York Police Department had brought a small army to break up the occupation at ‘Hind’ Hall. As with much of the handling of the protesters, the end of the occupation was a negotiation of violence between state officials and campus administration officials whose bourgeois interests were on the line. But this is not the end. This form of protest will continue to spread as global boycotts force capital to buckle under the pressure of the misery they are complicit in. Then, as now, it will continue.
Germany’s Authoritarian Turn
The brutal and repressive authoritarian measures taken by the German establishment against Palestine solidarity are only increasing in frequency, as mainstream German society remains silent.
A few months ago, I wrote an article about how the unity of German political parties in support of Israel marks a decisive moment in the consolidation of rightwing power in this country. Today, the egregious acts of state repression surrounding the Palestine Congress now mark Germany’s authoritarian turn. The rate and speed at which such measures are progressing should alarm us all.
I believe that the state’s ability to pull off the banning of the Congress – complete with deploying police at a 10:1 ratio of attendees, barring the entry into the country of several well-known figures, cutting off power to the venue, and brutally arresting Jewish activists – has only emboldened the continued expansion of the state’s repressive apparatus. Moreover, when questioned by organizers and lawyers on the scene about why they were doing this, police responded that they didn’t know and were just following orders. This, of course, should serve as consolation to no one.
And yet, the events of that weekend have extended beyond the gross violation of civil rights at the Palestine Congress, and they have continued to intensify in the fortnight that followed – a trend that deserves our close attention beyond what occurred on that Friday. This article will recount the subsequent events of that weekend, chart the rapid pace of repressive measures taken since then, concluding with the violent eviction of the protest camp in front of the Bundestag, which has beencondemned by human rights watch groups like Amnesty International.
Saturday 13.4
The day after the congress was banned, a few thousand people gathered in the city center to protest the slew of oppressive measures that had just been unleashed against Palestinian solidarity. The police presence was – once again – excessive, as the reinforcements from North-Rhein Westfalia were still in town. Dressed in full riot gear, they formed a line on either side of us that extended the entire length of the demo. Mixed in with the righteous anger, there was a feeling of tension and fear, as people kept warning each other not to get separated from their friends, nor to leave the demo alone.
Likely chomping at the bit for some violence during their big trip to the Hauptstadt, the cops eventually descended on the crowd and detained people that they claim to have seen at previous illegal demos – my sources confirm that this included people that both were and were not actually at said demos. They took these measures based on shoddy evidence – photos and videos from the events – that according to lawyers I spoke to at the ELSC, are not sufficient for a conviction. Nevertheless, the police pulled them from the crowd and questioned them, informing the suspects that they were opening an investigation and may press charges.
The police also separated multiple parents from their young children, including an 8-year-old girl who was chanting into a megaphone when around 10 riot police broke into the crowd in an attempt to detain her. The crowd united to shield her from the violent attack, but the incident left the girl terrorized. Later, a man was arrested, leaving his young son alone and sobbing. In response to these acts of police aggression, the crowd sat in place and stayed there until the demo’s end, demanding the release of those detained.
Sunday 14.4
Things reached perhaps their most brutal point of the weekend on Sunday when, at the protest camp, a musical performer allegedly said an illegal slogan. Riot police attacked the crowd in squadrons truly reminiscent of the brown shirts or the SS, hitting anyone even remotely in their way. Several police once again violently arrested a Jewish participant at the camp who was attempting to intervene and deescalate the situation. Multiple people were arrested, pepper sprayed, and hospitalized as a result of the attack. Chilling videos circulated on social media showing the cops casually chatting and laughing in the aftermath of their shameful and undemocratic behavior.
The crowd stayed united against the onslaught and ordners held hands around demonstrators to protect them from the police. As the protesters chanted “Nazis raus!” – something that seemed to hit close to home for the police (who have been shown to have plenty of Nazis and rightwing extremists in their ranks) – they backed away and left with those who they had arrested. The atmosphere remained tense, as more reinforcements clad in riot gear returned to the site.
Over the following fortnight
In the days directly following the weekend, there have been numerous unconstitutional acts of repression including the banning all languages except English and German from being spoken at the camp – with notable instances of Arabic, Irish and Hebrew being criminalized. People wearing kufiyas have been blocked by the police from approaching Brandenburger Tor en route to the camp on several occasions, and blatant racial profiling in the area surrounding the Bundestag remains a common occurrence.
On Saturday, April 20th, the police violently attacked a peaceful demo demanding that Germany stop selling weapons to Israel, once again making several arbitrary arrests. That same weekend, the government alsoclosed two centers for women and girls in Friedrichshain, after secretly surveilling those that work at the center. The justification was that one worker posted in support of a ceasefire on her private Instagram account and attended demos in solidarity with Palestine in her free time.
The latest disturbing iteration of this pattern occurred on Friday, April 26th, when the protest camp in front of the Bundestag was given an eviction notice with only one hour to vacate the premises – for flimsy reasons such as that they were damaging the grass. The police used shocking and disproportionate levels violence against demonstrators who staged a sit-in at the camp, including instances of police punching participants in the kidneys and faces while wearing reinforced riot gloves. Others were subjected to verbal abuse and sexual harassment – all in full view of tourists and passersby. The eviction culminated in as many as 161 arrests.
Having been among the protestors who came out to show solidarity with those being evicted, what perhaps shocked me most about the thoroughly undemocratic scene – in front of the German parliament no less – was the absolute lack of care coming from bystanders in the area. The place was absolutely swarming with cops, dressed in riot gear, committing egregious acts of violence. I even observed people gloating at the scene with their Starbucks in hand. After overhearing me speak words of condemnation about the German state, one man elbowed me when he walked by. This is all to say nothing of the elected officials sitting in their comfortable offices in the Bundestag as police beat demonstrators in full view from their windows.
That evening, at a spontaneous counter demo on Sonnenallee, the excessive police presence and use of force continued, perhaps most shockingly in the violent arrest of a man waving a Palestinian flag. The police forced him face down on the ground against the sidewalk, a position that can induce deadly asphyxiation within minutes.
The implications
No doubt, similar measures of police violence, cancellations, and the closing of publicly funded spaces that show even the slightest support for Palestine have occurred since Oct 7, and before. Yet, what is new is the near-daily rate at which such instances have been happening since the state got away with banning the Palestine Congress. In addition to the events recounted above, the number of people who have received letters from the police for sharing allegedly-illegal slogans on their social media accounts continues to rise.
It is clear that the police are becoming more emboldened as their actions are met with impunity and indifference from the German public. They enact shocking levels of violence against protestors and justify this – along with arbitrary arrests and detentions – on unconstitutional grounds and allegations. From banning the congress based on what might be said during it, as well as the usual racial profiling, and declaring certain languages, slogans, and symbols illegal – it is clear that the democratic freedoms enshrined in the Grundgesetz (Basic Law) matter little compared to the whims of the state and police.
Despite the fact that hundreds of thousands turned out for anti-AfD demonstrations earlier this year, the cognitive dissonance and affinity for authoritarianism amongst German society remains intact. The fascist turn of the centrist politicians of the Ampel coalition is widely supported and their racist suppression of Palestinian solidarity movement is seen as justified – rather than acknowledging it for what it is.
As a foreigner, I find Germans’ deafening silence and inaction around what’s happening to be especially chilling because it is so obvious how this culture enabled the Nazis to ascend to power. And as I stood on the grounds in front of the Bundestag, I couldn’t stop thinking of the phrase, that when you scratch a liberal a fascist bleeds. And this is Germany – just as it was in 1933, it is now in 2024.
In fact, the police violence is secondary to the quiet and smug acquiescence of the German public in the face of it. There is consistently a sense – such as among the bystanders at the eviction in front of the Bundestag – that the demonstrators deserve the unjust treatment for their disobedience. When they are not actively burying their heads in the sand about their country’s actions both here and in Gaza, they seem to think that this violence and repression is reserved only for those who fall out of line.
What we have learned from Germany’s own shameful past is that when these oppressive acts are not actively and adamantly opposed, these tendencies only continue to widen their reach into broader sections of society. As the oft quoted line from Hitler himself goes: “One thing alone could have stopped our movement—if our adversaries had understood their own principles and had from day one struck with all ruthlessness the core of our new movement.”
In these times we have a limited window within which we can resist and this window is closing more quickly with each passing day. And so we must persist.
Germany is clearly threatened – we’re doing something right
I would also argue that, despite the heavy handedness and absurdity of the repressive measures taken by the police (see: arresting a sofa, twice), these acts are strategic. They serve the purpose of overwhelming and distracting those who resist in solidarity with Palestine from Germany’s support of the actual genocide. They also function to normalize the onslaught of repression amongst the public, while striking fear in those who might otherwise become radicalized.
Clearly, the lengths that the German police, politicians, and press are going to suppress our movement are indicative of our power and influence. The level of repression is proportional to the threat we are mounting against the powers that be. The state’s main weapon is intimidation, and it is important to remain steadfast and to keep pushing in the face of it. Because, as Palestinian lawyer Nadija Samour reminded us following the cancellation of the Palestine Congress, when engaged in struggle “first they ignore us, then they laugh at us, then they fight us, and then we win.”
They likely evicted the camp because they are afraid of the rising tide of such encampments across the US and around the world. They use violence because they do not know how to respond to the unbreakable and utterly transformative feeling of effervescent solidarity which all of us who are a part of this movement for a free Palestine have come to know over the last months.
And at the end of the day, whatever tactics of violence and intimidation they unfurl on us, it is nothing compared to what our Palestinian siblings are currently living in Gaza. We must stay principled and focused on what we are fighting for.
All we have is each other: solidarity forever, power to the people!
And for those who are a part of this movement and have been targeted by the violence, surveillance, repression, and psychological warfare, I have this to say: all we have is each other. Anyone who has had the privilege of attending a demo or event here in Berlin in solidarity with Palestine knows the power of our community.
The joyful militancy we bring into public space – one of the latest examples being the protest camp where we saw our capacities to collectively self provision, organize, and educate ourselves in literal and symbolic opposition to the state. Our collective power is utterly terrifying to the powers that be and we must continue to wield it, until our aims are met. Palestine isn’t going anywhere and neither are we.
The repression only functions as a crucible that forges our discipline, organization, and solidarity to a higher degree. And it is spreading. There is a reason why the state is going to such great lengths to squelch it. It contains the stirrings of liberation – for all of us. So in the face of intimidation we must be even louder, bolder, and more defiant than ever, especially as the state will continue to take back territory from us should we waver for even a second.
It is our steadfast solidarity that will save us and that stands as the portal to our collective liberation.
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