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Explosions for a Morning Run

If war were a guy, he’d be the clingy type who sticks to you like glue.


12/08/2024

In the summer of 2022, I still had my job. So, I woke up at 9:15 AM to get ready for a meeting at 9:30. 

Normally, I don’t turn on my camera. In the past, I had to come up with excuses, but recently we got a 20-year-old analyst who makes decisions based on feelings. Surprisingly, the boss accepted his emotional instability as a reason not to turn on the camera, so soon I started using that reason too.

At 9:18, I was already standing naked in the shower.

At 9:21, my partner joined me.

At 9:26, we were brushing each other’s teeth and inexplicably laughing, splattering toothpaste foam everywhere.

At 9:29, as usual, I opened my laptop and within 2 minutes, I was in the meeting.

By 9:34, when the whole team was assembled, a siren sounded. It came from my end first, then arrived at colleagues in western Ukraine. Someone sighed in resignation, like before starting something tedious. Eventually, we decided to postpone the meeting and head for shelter.

The issue is that there are few shelters in Ukraine. Budget funds were allocated for their renovation and construction, but this initiative, too, ended in a corruption scandal.

During the siren, residents are expected to descend to the basements of their multi-story buildings mostly built in the Soviet Union. However, these are just basements, not proper shelters. Often there’s no electricity. Instead, there are rats, cobwebs, strange odors, and mold.

Old buildings have thick walls, making the basement potentially sturdy, but dust, dirt, and unsanitary conditions make staying there not only unpleasant but also hazardous. In new buildings, basements are still relatively clean, however, it’s well-known that new buildings are structurally unsound. Budgets for building houses shrink several times due to corruption before construction even begins. That’s why people have to choose between thick walls with unsanitary conditions or clean but unreliable basements.

Personally, I preferred to hide not in basements, but in a deep underground parking garage located 10 minutes away from my home. 10 minutes! The siren meant to me not only that missiles were flying our way but also that it was time to prepare for a sprint. I’m not joking – I actually bought running shoes from Decathlon to better my survival chances.

But as the war dragged on, I found myself running away from the police more often than from missiles. Why even leave the house then? At the beginning of the war I instinctively reacted to the siren and immediately sought shelter. By summer I often didn’t react at all, just sighed in resignation like my colleague at the meeting.

It’s easy to be fatalistic when you have nothing to lose. In post-Soviet countries, love often resides in someone else and rarely reaches you directly. That’s why you start valuing yourself only when you value someone else. It’s almost like a duty to appreciate them, so as not to accidentally upset them with news of your own poor health.

Siren. Should I stay or should I go? I look out the window. Nothing’s happening. But suddenly I hear an explosion. Loud and prolonged. Run! 

I grab my laptop, a book, two new sweaters, and a power bank. Let’s go. My partner runs after me, waving two plastic folders with documents. We run down the stairs and laugh. We ran like this last week. And the week before. A few times a week. But suddenly, another explosion. This one was even louder. The missile landed very close. Even the railings trembled. We run!

My laptop, without which I couldn’t imagine my life, instantly became a meaningless and mute object. Money and documents – just paper. We run, leaping over 3 steps at a time. Each jump has me checking whether the floor will fall out from under us or the whole building will collapse.

By this point, I had already forgotten what I was going to talk about at the work meeting. The meeting itself had become pointless. I should have called my mom instead. I should have called my buddies and found out why we drifted apart. The silence at that moment wasn’t just silence – it was the distance between explosions, like the thread on which pearls are strung.

At one moment, we stopped to look out the window again. The aftermath of the explosion truly resembled a pearl. Dozens of large pearls – clouds of white-gray dust rising in a pearly column into the sky, expanding in intricate patterns, painting spheres in the air. The sight was mesmerizing. A massive pearly worm emerged above the 9-story building, which used to seem so ordinary, as if nothing could ever happen to it.

When the elderly are scared, they grow younger. A senior man and woman sprint past us. They run as if competing with us. When kids are scared, they grow older. Soon, the whole building fills with sounds of doors opening and closing. Dozens of doors and pairs of feet, among which are ours. We are in motion. A marathon that won’t be seen on TV. Fear that can easily be confused with a person’s true face.

Some people left the building and descended into the basement. But my partner and I couldn’t do that. At any moment, the police could come to the basement and take us as volunteers for the war. So, we had to stay outside and anxiously watch the sky, looking out for the next missile.

Point-U is a ballistic missile mounted on a mobile wheeled platform, developed in the 1960s. It can strike targets up to 120 km away and travels at a speed of 3,960 km/h.

“Storm” (X-22) missiles have claimed many Ukrainian lives. On January 14, 2023, one of them hit a multi-story building in Dnipro, killing 46 people and injuring dozens more. The same type of missile hit a shopping center in Kremenchug on June 27, 2022, resulting in the deaths of over 20 people. This supersonic cruise missile was adopted into service in 1968 and flies at speeds ranging from 4,000 to 5,630 km/h.

My cousin, who hasn’t left his rented apartment in Kharkiv for over 2 years, says he can now distinguish different types of missiles and other weapons by sound alone. I can’t boast the same. I don’t know which missiles have just been fired at my city. I’m in a panic. With one hand clutching my belongings and the other grabbing my partner’s hood, we run towards the underground parking garage. The sun is shining brightly. The air smells of freshly cut grass and doner kebab.

The sounds of ambulances are audible as they rush along the main road towards one of the tragedy sites. Three explosions. Will there be a fourth? A missile doesn’t have to travel at 5,630 km/h to bring us instant death. We must admit that even if a missile moves at the speed of a tired cyclist, most of us won’t escape it.

Shelling occurs both day and night. That day I didn’t yet know missiles would arrive on New Year’s Eve. I heard a story that during World War I, soldiers from warring armies climbed out of their trenches to celebrate Christmas together. In Russia and Ukraine, we don’t celebrate Christmas; our countries are not so religious, but we do loudly celebrate New Year’s.

Yet, for some reason, at the end of 2022, no one felt inclined to temporarily reconcile. It’s not like they could, anyway; poking their heads out of trenches when the maximum range of the X-22 is 600 kilometers.

Arriving at the parking garage, we saw crowds of men with their wives and children. Women with adult sons. The men avoided entering the garage so as to not be caught by the police or military. The women hesitated to go down without their husbands. Children perceive the blasts as part of an imaginary world where explosives have personalities, and if asked nicely, they won’t harm either mom or dad.

We also didn’t descend. We blended into the crowd. Listened to others’ conversations. No one talked about the war. They discussed anything else, even the smell of freshly cut grass, but ignored the column of smoke rising higher and higher into the sky.

It seemed like no one was expecting it, but then the fourth explosion rang out. The loudest one yet. It was so close that it was difficult to tell from which direction it came. It felt as if everything around us exploded simultaneously and only miraculously we survived. There were about 50 people outside, and everyone rushed deep into the parking garage.

If there had been police, I would have been ready to commit a crime. When faced with death, a person is capable of things they wouldn’t even consider in a calm state. But when you face death literally every day, you start to see death as an old friend, and madness becomes commonplace: it doesn’t scare or astonish anymore; surprisingly, it seamlessly blends into the landscape of a city burning from missiles.

There were no policemen inside, but suddenly a security guard in a gray uniform appeared from nowhere. He ushered the children into the safety of his booth. Those who had parked their cars in the garage hid inside their vehicles. My partner and I sat on the floor near a concrete column in the center. We were so accustomed to saying goodbye to life that now we only subtly nodded to each other.

When the panic subsided and the garage became relatively quiet, a middle-aged woman burst loudly into the parking space and shouted, “THE HOUSE NEAR THE SUPERMARKET IS ON FIRE! THE ROOF HAS BEEN BLOWN TO HELL!” 

Following her words, the garage vibrated again, much like the sound of missile flying high overhead. I noticed that the elegantly dressed woman was wearing running shoes on her feet. Now I looked at her as if we shared a secret passion.

Afterwards, we had a hearty breakfast at an Asian restaurant. When you think every meal could be your last, you start overeating. It’s been two and a half years of war, and I still wear several layers of clothing to avoid freezing, even in summer, and order oversized portions of food. It’s hard to break wartime habits, especially if the war isn’t over yet.

That day, the air raid alarm was ended at 12:50 PM.

At 2:15, I returned to work.

At 2:30, an additional meeting was organized.

I was the only employee from eastern Ukraine. Most of my colleagues lived in Lviv and Ternopil. While Ternopil was notorious for its harsh military round-ups of men, colleagues from Lviv, where missiles didn’t reach as often, liked to talk about how the war should go all the way to victory. No compromises. We need the borders of 1991. We need to take back Crimea. That’s what they like to repeat, not feeling war as it feels in Kharkiv.

I didn’t participate in these discussions. All I wanted was to stop saying goodbye to life every damn day and go for a morning run because I wanted to, not because missile explosions forced me to.

P.S: As of now, the longest air raid alarm was recorded in Kharkiv, lasting 16 hours and 33 minutes.

 

This piece is a part of  a series, The Mining Boy Notes, published on Mondays and authored by Ilya Kharkow, a writer from Ukraine. For more information about Ilya, see his website. You can support his work by buying him a coffee.

 

“Queers for Palestine” is not self-hatred

Queer people fight for a liberated and just world. Their solidarity with Palestine is therefore simply consistent.


11/08/2024

An alliance is forming and driving the right-wing worldwide into a white-hot rage: queer people are showing solidarity with Gazans. “Queers for Palestine” has emblazoned t-shirts across Western cities, where many of the demonstrations against the Israeli attack on Gaza are led by queer people.

Last weekend two large protest marches with tens of thousands of participants took place during Berlin Pride, both of which explicitly stood in solidarity with Palestinians: the Dyke March Demo for Lesbian Visibility and the anti-capitalist, non-commercial Internationalist Queer March. As was to be expected, conservative commentators in German media responded to both with public meltdowns. In the taz, Jan Feddersen wrote that those who believe queer people could be safe in Gaza might well take Nazi concentration camps for “health resorts”. Relativising the Holocaust is supposed to count as antisemitic, but the defenders of the far-right regime in Israel and its human rights violations has long since let all standards slip.

A few days earlier, the Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu poked fun at gays demanding a ceasefire in a controversial speech in front of the US Congress: Gays for Palestine would be like Chickens for KFC. This slogan has been circulating for some time in right wing discourses. The metaphor is rather lacking. It must firstly be emphasised that far more queer Palestinians have been killed by Israeli bombs and the starvation blockade than by homophobic violence from fellow Palestinians. Furthermore, the fact that gay, lesbian and trans people are particularly empathetic with the suffering of the oppressed should not be surprising. Queer people know what it is like to experience exclusion and violence whilst the societal majority decides that their suffering is not worth mourning.

It is no coincidence that Judith Butler, the figurehead of gender theory despised by the right wing, tackled the question of who society mourns in her book Precarious Life following the American war of aggression against Iraq. It is only a generation ago that hundreds of thousands of gay men died of AIDS, a disease first diagnosed in 1981. The US president at the time, Ronald Reagan, took 4 years to even mention the topic. His hesitancy to allow the virus to be researched and fought made him complicit in the deaths of innumerable queer people. Their lives were not worthy of protection or mourning. It took pressure from the streets of the US for gay men to be recognised as “worthy victims”, as Noam Chomsky named those deserving of humanity and empathy in his book Manufacturing Consent. Today Palestinians do not count as “worthy victims” in liberal discourse, in contrast to queer people. This is why the two groups are played off against each other to justify unspeakable violence against Palestinians.

Following the right-wing rulebook

Another point of criticism that fans of war crimes like Feddersen happily reach for goes as follows: if queer people want to stand in defence of sexual minorities, why do they not demonstrate against the Islamist organisation Hamas? Islamic fascists are, with their misogynistic world-view and at times murderous homophobia, clearly not political allies of queer people and leftists. The accusation that there are too few protests against Hamas is nonetheless absurd. Hamas is listed in Germany, the EU and NATO as a terrorist organisation. It is already demonised. To protest against Hamas in Germany makes as much sense as protesting against the USA in Iran. In contrast to Hamas, Israeli military leadership is supported by the German state financially, diplomatically, legally, ideologically, and materially with arms shipments. The federal government is an obvious addressee for people that live and pay taxes in Germany, one that also has the power to institute their demands.

In Gaza and other parts of the Middle East there are doubtless many stereotypes regarding and violence towards queer people. But do people have to fulfil moral standards in order to be worthy of basic human rights? Who is supposed to establish the moral standards that decide who deserves the right to life, dignity and freedom? According to the 1948 UN Human Rights Charter, these are universal rights. They are in force whether we like someone or not.

If homophobia should justify the revocation of human rights, are we going to bomb the Vatican? Will we incarcerate Polish PiS voters in torture camps? Will we exterminate Upper Bavaria? According to this logic, Israel, too, would not escape a humanitarian intervention to benefit queer people. The legal situation for queer people in Israel is indeed better than in many other Middle Eastern countries. Gay marriage is not legal, but gay marriages performed abroad are recognised. Gay couples can adopt children. The Israeli state likes to boast with these socially progressive laws and say “look, Israel is an oasis for queer people and so much better than our surrounding, enemy Arab states – you Westerners therefore have to be on our side.”

Those demanding the closing of ranks in this manner are the useful idiots of the Israeli right wing. Bezalel Smotrich, Netanyahu’s finance minister, publicly described himself as a homophobic fascist. The far-right minister of national security, Itamar Ben Gvir, called the 2023 Pride March in Jerusalem a “Beast Parade”. This fits the dehumanising rhetoric of his boss, who called the inhabitants of Gaza “animals”. Are these the allies that Western defenders of queer people want?

The misuse of LGBTQ issues to present a progressive image with which to conceal unethical practices is called pinkwashing, analogous to greenwashing, the use of environmental measures to make a company or product look climate-friendly, even if it is not. Here it must be said that Israeli intelligence agencies repeatedly threaten to out Palestinians publicly – which could in fact be life-threatening – if they do not agree to work for them as informants. Such blackmail is not queer-friendly. Should Israel’s human rights violations be ignored because they are a bit nicer to gay people than Iran?

Critics complain that the charge of pinkwashing is antisemitic. However, pinkwashing was not invented to attack Israel. Corporations often resort to pinkwashing, such as Deutsche Bank, which puts rainbow stickers up at the doors of its branch offices, although the bank does nothing in particular to help queer people. Taiwan similarly likes to emphasise it is the first East Asian country to legalise gay marriage, in order to contrast itself with mainland China and pose as a liberal country deserving of military support.

Pinkwashing is particularly useful to gain geopolitical legitimacy in the West, as it activates a left-liberal reflex to take the side of the marginalised. This reflex has been cited at other historical junctures; the British colonised Nigeria with the stated goal of abolishing slavery. Feminism has also been deployed to justify wars of aggression. One of the Bush administration’s stated reasons for the US invasion & occupation of Afghanistan was a desire to free Afghan women from the yoke of the Taliban. A group of people that cannot speak for themselves in the framing of Western journalists are happily selected as proof that they need the protection of the progressive West. Societies are thus split, for example into queer Palestinians and the surrounding, oppressing patriarchal majority. The interests of queer people in Gaza (including among others, not being bombed and receiving enough food) are currently much more closely aligned with those of their heterosexual neighbours than with the interests of queer journalists in Western cities. Sexual liberation can only be fought for once basic human rights are secured.

Even if Israel scores well regarding queer-friendliness in comparison to Arab states, what is the goal of the comparison? Israel is a Western country, an OECD member, and – perhaps far more importantly – a Eurovision participant. When compared to other OECD countries, Israel looks much worse. To walk through the allegedly queer-friendly centre of Tel Aviv as a visibly queer person quickly demonstrates this. In a 2020 survey by the American Pew Research Center only 47% of Israelis surveyed agreed that homosexuality should be socially accepted. As such, over half of the Israeli population is homophobic and could be bombed into oblivion according to the logic of Netanyahu and Feddersen.

Left-liberals are thus willingly acting as henchmen to the right wing. They help those who have fought the social and cultural progress of the past decades; who despise gender equality, want to ban abortions, banish women back to domestic labour, disenfranchise migrant women, displace people of colour from the public sphere and deprive children of the opportunity to deal with their sexuality and gender in a self-determined manner. Their Kulturkampf is not only successful in and of itself, but also pushes urgent material struggles regarding wages and working conditions out of public discourse.

Those who suddenly designate feminists, postcolonial researchers or gender theorists as public enemy number one because of their tame declarations of solidarity with Palestinians are following the rulebook of the German right wing. Supporters of Israel themselves utilise antisemitic tropes alarmingly often, such as portraying Judith Butler as a puppet master behind queer movements seeking to entice the youth to stray from the straight and narrow and thereby destroy enlightened Western civilisation. This is a typical antisemitic line of argument, which sees said Zionists joining a long line of reactionaries who hold Jews responsible for the social progress they detest. The only difference is that they now claim to be doing so in order to protect queer people.

Change begins with solidarity

Social transformation and mutual respect grow from the experience of shared struggles. The late union activist Jane McAlevey liked to recount the story of a hospital in California where she wanted to organise the care staff. The White American nurses disliked their recently immigrated Filipino colleagues, complained about their pungent foreign food in the canteen, their odd language and so on. McAlevey argues that her fight for better working conditions, pensions and wages would have been lost if she had dismissed the nurses as racists. The results of the labour dispute were not only better conditions for the staff: White and Filipino even linked arms to block their managers from entering the hospital. Through this shared struggle the two groups transcended cultural boundaries to become friends.

A similar event occurred in 80s Britain: gays, lesbians and queers in the cities united in solidarity with striking coal miners who protested Margaret Thatcher’s 1984 closing of state-owned mines. These miners did not hold queer people in high esteem, to say the least. Yet the miners saw how the group “Gays and Lesbians Support the Miners” collected donations for their strike fund, and went on to support the queers themselves by forcing the 1985 Labour Party Conference to pass a resolution on LGBTQ rights. The queer protest marches against Israeli violence towards Palestinians has the potential to become a similar moment of solidarity between very different groups.

At protests like the Dyke March or Internationalist Queer Pride in Neukölln one experiences how women with headscarves walk up to trans men with mesh tees over their visible mastectomy scars and thank them for wearing a keffiyeh and showing their solidarity. Perhaps some young Arabs contradict their friends or family if they disparage gay, lesbian or trans people. After all, they have seen for themselves how queers take to the streets to support Palestinians’ right to live, how they are beaten and detained by the police. They have seen queers’ selfless solidarity. It is a selflessness that the genocide cheerleaders in editorial staff and governments cannot imagine. And therefore they will lose.

Berlin Judge declares “From the River to the Sea” chant to be illegal

Analysis plus interview with defence lawyer Alexander Gorski


10/08/2024

Israel, Israel “Über Alles”

On Tuesday, August 6, the first trial for the slogan “From the River to the Sea, Palestine Will be Free” was held in Berlin. The defendant was found guilty of condoning Hamas’s attacks on 7th October and fined €600 (40 days at 15 euros per day), plus court costs. The sentence sets a bad legal precedent and further jeopardises freedom of expression in this country.

Judge Birgit Balzer presided over the trial for events that took place on 11 October 2023, a day on which dozens of people demonstrated in front of the Ernst-Abbe secondary school in the district of Neukölln, Berlin, after a pupil at the school was assaulted by one of the teachers for displaying the Palestinian flag. At that demonstration, activist Ava M. said “From the River to the Sea, Palestine Will be Free“. The slogan has been used since the 1960s – decades before the founding of Hamas. It is perfectly legal in almost the whole world, including Israel and its great ally the USA, but not in all of Germany, now specifically in Berlin. 

Other trials in this country for the same slogan, such as the one held in Mannheim, have given the activists the right to demand a free Palestine. In the Mannheim trial, the judge took his time, did his job and ruled that given the history of the slogan and its widespread different uses, the slogan is used to express the desire for a territory from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea, where all its inhabitants enjoy the same rights and freedoms, as opposed to the apartheid regime, brutal occupation and genocide that the Palestinian people are currently suffering. As the defendant may well have used the slogan to express this aspiration, it should be covered by freedom of speech. The defendant’s lawyers, Alexander Gorski and Roland Meister pointed out this ambiguity in meaning and intentionally. This was confirmed by Ava’s statement that she meant it as a cry for a “secular state without repression” in the whole territory.

Both the Berlin state prosecution and the judge demonstrate in their accusations and verdict a complete ignorance of the origin and use of this phrase, of what is and is not antisemitism, and of the history and present realities of the region. In stating that the defendant that day was clearly “denying Israel’s right to exist” by having to evaluate this phrase “in the context of the largest massacre of Jews since the Shoah” the judge ignores centuries of Middle Eastern history where Jewish communities have lived in peace with their Arab neighbours. The Berlin judiciary has therefore rewritten the last 100 years of history, confusing Jewish people and communities with the state of Israel, and portraying a state, Israel, instead of Jewish people, as the main victim. This implicitly makes everyone who sympathises with Palestine, whether the person is of German origin or not, co-culpable for Nazi crimes. 

Judge Balzer herself, like most of the German establishment, cannot or does not want to imagine a state where Jews and Arabs live together with the same rights and freedoms, since, with the creation of a secular state without a clear majority and dominance of people of European origin, the West would lose one of its most important and strategic colonies in the Middle East.

The same judge quoted some of the lies that Israel fabricated to justify its genocidal campaign. This does not only mean that she neglected to study the geo-political situation and the widespread international movement of solidarity with the Palestinian people, it also indicates that she did not even bother to check the veracity of the worst accusations made by Israel, which have already been largely disproved. This points to a clear bias on the part of the Berlin judiciary in the service of the establishment.

Although it is shocking to this day to keep hearing the same lies that were published and debunked months ago, it is not unusual in the German state. Its own Chancellor Scholz and Foreign Minister Baerbock, lie shamelessly, and claim to have seen a video of rapes committed on 7 October by Hamas, a video of which not even the Israeli government has any record.

The verdict of this trial is a sentence to the whole Palestinian solidarity movement, which is making an increasingly authoritarian and proto-fascist regime uncomfortable with its post-colonialist truths. And it sets a precedent that will soon affect other movements that are a nuisance to the German state.

This was clear to the more than fifty people who gathered at the gates of the court not only to accompany Ava during this political show, but also to shout loud and clear for solidarity between peoples and struggles, and for a free Palestine from the river to the sea.

 

Interview with defence lawyer Alexander Gorski (questions: Phil Butland)

 

Hello Alexander. Thanks for agreeing to talk to us. I know you are very busy at the moment. What happened in court yesterday? (this interview took place on Wednesday, 7th August)

My client, Ava Moayeri, was fined for shouting “From the River to the Sea”, and for encouraging other people to join the chant. This was at a demonstration in Neukölln on 11th October 2023, which she helped organise. 

The judge called this incitement but ignores the context of the demonstration, which was called after a teacher hit a pupil for carrying a Palestinian flag. 

The slogan “From the River to the Sea” has been allowed in other German states, though?

There was a ruling in Mannheim, but this was made on account of freedom of expression. This one is according to Section 140, Paragraph 1, point 2 of the German criminal code which is about incitement and disturbing public peace.

Does this mean that anyone who uses the phrase “from the river to the sea” is breaking German law? This is a phrase that Benjamin Netanyahu used earlier this year.

According to the judge, this has to be combined with “Palestine will be free”. Then it is seen as justifying the attacks on October 7th and denying the right of Israel to exist.

So, anyone who calls for the freedom of Palestine is seen as supporting and justifying Hamas?

According to the judge, yes.

You will be appealing the ruling. What happens next, and how long do you expect it to take?

We are expecting another court case in around 2 months.

But this is not the only case around “From the River to the Sea” in Berlin. There’s another one coming up soon.

Yes, there will be another court case on 22nd August.

Ava has been fined €600. Is there any campaign to collect money for her if she loses the appeal?

You will have to talk to her and her organisation Zora about this.

If people are enraged by this judgement, what can they do?

Stay on the streets and stay active.

Far-right Violence Sweeps Britain

Violent riots are just the tip of the iceberg of Britain’s xenophobia


09/08/2024

A number of violent riots led by the far-right have taken place across the UK over the past week, many of them targeting mosques and hotels currently housing asylum seekers. Almost 500 people have been arrested for crimes including criminal damage and injuring police officers; a disgusting display of hatred, racism and xenophobia that has caused many across Britain to fear for their safety. Thousands attended counter-protests, protecting asylum centres and holding signs with slogans like Unite to Stop the Far Right and No to Fascism

It seems that the far-right has mobilised significantly in a short space of time – but why? A key factor in the explosion of xenophobic violence was false information regarding the perpetrator of the tragic Southport stabbings that occurred on 29th July. Rumours began spreading on X (formerly Twitter) that the 17-year-old boy responsible was an asylum seeker who had recently entered the UK. These tweets were posted before his identity was officially released, yet were being presented online as though verifiable fact. (The killer was in fact born in Cardiff, Wales.)

Responses to this rumour were rife; including a tweet from notorious media figure Andrew Tate. He claimed that the killer was an “illegal migrant”, using the tragedy to support his own anti-immigrant agenda. For Tate, who was charged in a Romanian court with rape and human trafficking, to purportedly care about the well-being of young women, is both hypocritical and deeply offensive.

Elon Musk’s X is a breeding ground for mis- and disinformation; a cesspit of far-right, Islamophobic and racist rhetoric going almost entirely unmonitored and unverified. Musk himself tweeted “Civil war is inevitable”, in response to a user blaming the violent riots on migration. He is a key player in the amplification of populist, bigoted voices – deliberately allowing users like Tommy Robinson and Andrew Tate huge platforms to spread hate. In fact, Labour MPs Chi Onwurah and Dawn Butler said they would like to hold Musk accountable for the role his platform has had in inciting these riots.

Of course, social media and disinformation is not solely to blame. Infamous far-right leader Tommy Robinson (who founded the English Defence League) led a huge rally in London’s Trafalgar Square on Saturday 27th July, predating the stabbings by two days. Thousands attended, waving English and British flags around the capital. The tragedy in Southport may have added fuel to the fire, but it seems that the far-right were gearing up already. 

This did not happen in a vacuum. The Islamophobic, anti-immigrant rhetoric used in Westminster over the past few years (and beyond) has worked to normalise hateful language and ideas. If Tommy Robinson is the criminal face of the far-right, then Nigel Farage is its ‘respectable’ one. His Reform party democratically won five seats in the House of Commons in July’s elections, meaning the xenophobic hard-right has a legitimate sway over the future of British politics. And the link between Robinson’s rioters and Farage’s politicians is overt – according to Robinson, Farage was invited to speak at the Trafalgar Square rally, and cheers went up in the crowd when Reform was mentioned.

Piggybacking on tragedy to push racist, xenophobic politics is the oldest trick in the far-right playbook. By taking advantage of people’s fears and giving them a clear enemy to blame their worries on (be it Muslims, asylum seekers, or immigrants), they can conjure up support for their cause. Pretending that there is anything other than opportunism behind their “concern” is naive. To use the murders of three girls, aged between six and nine, to benefit a violently xenophobic agenda is disrespectful not only to the grieving community of Southport, but also to the memories of those who tragically lost their lives. 

In the past decade, moral panics regarding immigration have been conjured multiple times following reportage on crime. Tommy Robinson has long spoken about “grooming gangs” in the UK, using horrific real-life events and victims of police malpractice for his own goals – to demonise immigrants and Muslim men. His racist commentary about a grooming court case in Huddersfield broke reporting restrictions and almost collapsed the trial, showing his priority is never to get justice for victims, but rather to turn attention to himself and his abhorrent politics.

And yet, the past few days have also shown that the rioters do not speak for the people of Britain. Counter-protesters turned out in their thousands to fight against the far-right, proving that the vast majority of Britons are appalled by the behaviour exhibited during the riots. A social media post told of plans for multiple racist riots across the UK on Wednesday 7th August, so anti-fascist, anti-racist protests were planned in response, protecting the immigration centres, law firms and hotels housing asylum seekers that were due to be targeted. These counter-protests turned out to be enormous – with thousands gathering in cities such as London, Newcastle, and Birmingham. In Brighton, the far-right protesters were so vastly outnumbered that they required police protection. 

Though these counter-protests have shown that majority of citizens oppose the behaviour of an outspoken few, actions must be taken to combat the ugly culture of xenophobia within British society that led up to the riots. Violent riots, looting, and physical attacks have made Muslims and People of Colour fear for their safety in the country they call home – a devastating reality that must be acknowledged and remedied as a matter of urgency. Harsh consequences, both legal and social, are required; not just for physical violence on the streets, but also for the violent rhetoric used on social media, in the news, and by Westminster politicians. 

Werner Tübke in Retrospect: Neo-Renaissance Nostalgist or Connoisseur of Social Realism?

The East German artist provided more than simple social realism


08/08/2024

Next year Bad Frankenhausen, an otherwise sleepy little town in Thuringia, will be crowded. For May 15th 2025 marks the 500th year anniversary of the great 1525 Peasant War. The town’s ‘Panorama Museum’ sits atop the battle-field of Mount Battle or ‘Schlachtberg’.  There were many peasant wars, as Frederick Engels described in 1870. This one provoked the most savage butchery of the peasants in their greatest uprising. 

I will review that war and the museum, and then consider whether the GDR painter Werner Tübke (1929-2004) was a bourgeois or a socialist artist. Or neither.  

What happened at Bad Frankenhausen? 

Grinding poverty and exploitation sparked many peasant wars or Jaqueries. In Europe these were directed against feudal lords including the clergy. The “peasants” of the 1525 Peasant War, were actually a united front of peasants and early city plebians. Müntzer had welded their disgruntlements together. The plebians of Bad Frankenhausen were formed from the salt-worker knechts (labourers or sometimes slaves) whose labour enriched the princes and the clergy. 

The insurgent leader Thomas Müntzer (or Muenzer) was born in 1498. He differed from Luther in espousing a ‘communism’. Luther began the Reformation against the Catholic Church, but flinched at thorough-going reforms, and compromised with the feudal exploiting classes. Müntzer in contrast continued his early struggles from early on against reaction to a bitter end. Inspired by “the chiliastic works of Joachim of Calabria, he became a popular preacher.  Engels Chapter Two

“Chiliasim” or “Millenialism” was the popular belief that a Messiah would arrive to establish a new world of freedom – and before the “Last Judgement”.  Chiliasim included the doctrines of Anabaptism, and the Hussites. Müntzer sought those who had survived the persecutions by the feudal princes and clergy from earlier rebellions. Defending them, Müntzer had to flee both Thuringia and later Prague. Müntzer argued to extend Luther’s Reformation against the corrupt clergy, by including “the sword”. He became  “a direct political agitator.” While primarily attacking the church, he also targeted Christianity itself. Calling for “heaven in this life”, he praised “reason” as true “faith”. According to him:

“the task of the believers to establish Heaven, the kingdom of God, here on earth. As there is no Heaven in the beyond, so there is no Hell in the beyond, and no damnation, and there are no devils but the evil desires and cravings of man. Christ, he said, was a man.”

He had entered atheism and communism, and Engels summarised that:

“By the kingdom of God, Muenzer understood nothing else than a state of society without class differences, without private property, and without superimposed state powers opposed to the members of society.”

The confrontation was inevitable, as was the disparity between the opposing forces:

“Muenzer (had)… 8,000 men and several cannons… The men were poorly armed and badly disciplined. .. The princes promised amnesty should they deliver Muenzer alive. Muenzer assembled his people in a circle… A knight and a priest expressed themselves in favour of capitulation. Muenzer had them both brought inside the circle, and decapitated… (but) the princes’ soldiers had encircled the entire mountain… cannon balls and guns were pounding the half-defenseless peasants, unused to battle…  over 5,000 were slaughtered… Muenzer, was captured… put on the rack… and decapitated. He went to his death with the same courage with which he had lived. He was barely twenty-eight when he was executed.” Engels Chapter six 

Entering the ‘Panorama Museum’. 

The museum website presents the monumental painting “Early Bourgeois Revolution in Germany”. Visitors enter a dark, very large circular room from below. As people lift their eyes to the walls, most are stunned on being greeted and surrounded by a unique circular painting. The canvas is fourteen metre high spanning a giant 123 meters to depict 3,000 figures. At the bottom level a simple parallel perspective is used, but the upper part of the painting has a central perspective leading onto a seemingly endless horizon. Werner Tübke with one assistant took eleven years (1976-1987) to complete it.

The Museum opened in 1989, shortly before the GDR collapsed.

Initially a long awe-struck period is experienced as one’s wits slowly recover from the sensory assault. Slowly comparisons come to mind. The content matter of Pieter Brueghel the elder (1525–1569) and Hieronymous Bosch (1450-1516) is wedded to the giant scale of Michaelangelo Buonarroti’s (1475-1565) Sistine Chapel ‘Last Judgement’. Here are Breughel’s peasants and plebeians preyed on by princes and clergy. They play out the real every-day earthly life of -accounting of Heaven and Hell, in contrast to Michaelangelo’s promised eventual end. Accelerating the imagination are Boschian symbolisations. 

The result is an extreme realism mixed with such Boschian imagery as to create an intense vivid and highly ‘expressionist’ image. It is not ‘naturalist’ art, but most figures are evidently real people. A partisan painting it is the opposite of neutral.  If you enter from the left passage, you are confronted by Müntzer in the center between swirling, warring parties. Tübke used his face from a medieval wood-cut, but paints Müntzer lowering the rebel-flag with its peasant boot insignia. Müntzer realises that the surrounding princes, and mercenaries have wiped out his forces. He stands under a rainbow enclosing the Schlactberg and the green battlefield, signifying hope and a binding with ‘God’.  

Undoubtedly the content of this painting is progressive. But Tübke is not about to explain details. In the film “Werner Tübke” (Director Reiner E. Moritz, ArtHaus Musik, RM Arts 1991) he bluntly says: 

“It is not my goal to lecture people through the visual arts, or even to enrich them… I don’t employ methods that are popular or the easiest to understand. But I work strictly according to what gives me pleasure. I have no sense of mission and I don’t ask whether I’m understood or not.“ 

Does this forthrightness not remind one of Käthe Kollowtiz’s response to being castigated by the KPD? Unsurprisingly, one of his teachers Tübke most fond of, Katharina Heise, was a sympathiser and follower of Kollowitz. 

Returning to the picture, how does one read this spectacle? For me one central message of the whole drama is that one must act for justice, even if action leads to failure.  As if this is not powerful enough, hundreds of acts are performed by meticulous writhing figures. An excellent audio guide helps interpret them, in several languages. But the museum site states:

“Instead of a painting that illustrates the history of the “early bourgeois revolution in Germany” and educates the visitors in the sense of the state, he wants to focus on painting. In this way, the original concept recedes into the background; Tübke creates a picture that evades being fixed on a single statement.”

I dispute that. As mentioned an abiding theme is justice and the exploitation of the people. Another is the sway of reason as opposed to the play of chance. Let us briefly scroll through fragments.

Witness an elderly peasant woman and her husband bringing eggs, a goose and other victuals – as a tax to their feudal lords dining on a long table. A finely dressed young lady aristocrat glances over her shoulder dismissively, but the peasant woman witheringly holds her gaze. Over there a ship is stranded on dry land as a boatman vainly paddles to ferry the dignitaries of state. Here a clergyman is strung up on a dead tree surrounded by angry and mocking peasants. Wait! there are three gaming tables – at one kings and emperors (Kaiser Kari V and Francis I of France) play poker for Northern Italy – the English king has arrived too late! There soldiers pillage houses of peasants. Here the finely dressed Pope is roped in struggle against Luther while named academics debate in the guise of pigs, foxes and rats. But Luther is also shown as a two-faced Janus – one talking to poorly dressed people, the other face ignoring them. 

Scattered throughout are several ‘Narr’, or fools or jesters. They comment on the cruelties that unfold. But as they prance about, an opposing path not taken is shown. Just above Tübke’s signature, and below Müntzer’s flag-lowering, is shown a huge Well of Reason. Around it are figures of the German Renaissance – including Hans Hut and  Melchior Rinck both Anabaptist leaders; Hans Sachs a shoemaker-poet; Tilman Riemenschneider the wood-sculptor; Martin Luther and the painter Lucas Cranach; Albrecht Dürer the artist; Nicholas Copernicus the physicist-astronomer; Paracelsus physician and chemist; and the merchants Jakob Welser and Jakob Fugg. Yes an eclectic and sometimes contradictory mixture – Luther and Anabaptists? Tübke presumably sees no straight line in history.

Onlookers are enthralled, moved and fascinated, and wish to learn about the acts depicted. It is in short, a masterpiece that engages with its audience.   

Where is Tübke to be placed in art?

How did this masterpiece come about, how does Tübke’s worldview fit into the art history of the GDR? 

In 1976 Tübke was Rector of the Academy of Visual Arts in Leipzig, when he was invited to do this by the GDR government. Before he accepted he demanded and obtained complete freedom in execution. Three years of painstaking research into the 15th-16th century (clothing, materials, painting etc) allowed him to build a working model scaled down to a tenth, which was endorsed as ‘historically authentic’:

“The first think I did was to refuse to use the set pieces, or to use central perspective… Then came the three year phase of invention in which I made the 14.2 m version… Following extensive theoretical studies I noted down, as if in a very large diary, the mood of the week, the month, painted in ancient robes. “

Mortiz, Around 30 minutes 55 sec

“I was able to assert my concept without much trouble. I’d half finished the small version when the employer came from the Ministry of Culture, and 14 days later I received a letter of acceptance. Strangely enough it all went very smoothly.”

Mortiz Ibid; at about 34 minutes

Well before the Panorama, Tübke was already deeply immersed in the styles of the 15th-16th century – in particular Italian mannerism

“My interest lies exclusively in art produced before Modernism. Up to Delacroix, roughly… It just turned out that way. There’s no concept behind it. I base my work on art from earlier centuries, but in my own way. I think it is legitimate… In particular it is the transition periods, Italian Mannerism, for example, or old German masters, who have always inspired me. I don’t think you can choose what you relate to and how you do it. 

Moritz, about 0.45 sec

“This world is not unfamiliar to me. Particularly the Old Testament. I feel very at home in that entire world. I can’t be more precise, nor would I want to be.“

Film Dir. Moritz 5min 0s

He joined the Workers Party in 1950. But he was attacked for his passion for 15th-15th art in 1956 (“backward-looking’, ‘eclectic’) and lost his lectureship at the Leipzig Art Academy. He was reappointed in 1962, where later his students defended against another dismissal:

“I was dismissed in 1957 for allegedly doing Western Art as it was then called, Madness! Or Surrealism. I returned to the Academy two years later, and in 1967 I was almost dismissed again, for the same reasons, but the students protested so I ended up staying.”

Film Dir Moritz. 11 min 45s

“Critics spoke of a misunderstanding of heritage reception and warned that eclecticism was contrary to Socialist Realism. … I don’t think that discussion affected my work. I admit that in the 50s and for quite some time, this tiresome, silly discussion did take place. And it was very destructive to artists, I have to say. It was never a big problem for me, it was terroristic and extremely tiring on a personal level. one can’t imagine it today.“

Film Dir Moritz. 19 min 30s

He resisted moving away despite offers:

“Working as a painter in this country was not easy. In the 50s and 60s there was a lot of interference, a lot was changed for ideological reasons. Nonetheless it was possible to do what you felt was right even if it meant less money. But you can make do. There was also many opportunities though I won’t be specific, to leave the country. There were good offers, food financial offers with villas in Hamburg and so forth, but I remained in Leipzig where the children are. It’s not that I cling to Leipzig, but I never considered leaving the GDR. For whatever reasons I simply did my work and it worked out. But it wasn’t easy. It started getting easier after 1970, .. my first exhibition in Milan and northern Italy. And then as is common in Germany and other countries it was officially recognized that I had something to offer.” 

26 minutes 50 seconds

He became a professor in 1972, then became Rector of the Academy. He produced a series of works on Hiroshima, and in 1965 his works on fascism received plaudits. Awarded a commission on  “Workers and the Intellectuals” in 1970 for Leipzig university, he placed the leaders of Karl-Marx University and Party officials in the background. The brings students and workers together, placing the carpenters in front. 

After the Pinochet coup in Chile he painted 1974 “Chilienisches Requiem”. Above it Tübke placed the words of Pablo Neruda “Nothing will be forgotten, ladies and gentlemen, and through my wounded mouth the others shall continue to sing”.

By now I hope the reader is convinced that his paintings confirm that whatever criticism he faced, he was clearly a committed progressive. In fact I think he was a committed ‘socialist’. However, what category was his art is to be classified in? I propose it was a unique form of a marriage between socialist content, realist but also ‘magical’ realist forms.  

His positions were not taken alone, but were those of the so-called Leipzig school. This included Trübke, Willi Sitte and Bernard Heisig. The latter said: “in 1972, “We [artists in East Germany] have the chance to take part in a worldview! “( “Why Heisig Matters” p. 5)

David Elliot curated an exhibition of East German art in the UK in 1984, and put it like this: “Heisig, Willi Sitte, and Werner Tübke had been able to “revalidate [socialist realism] not as a style with recognizable physical attributes and finite duration but as an attitude which gave conviction to art.”   (April A. Eisman; “Bernhard Heisig and the fight for modern art in East Germany; Boydell & Brewer; 2018. p.5). 

Tübke’s art poses a challenge to those who argue that the GDR promulgated an ‘establishment’ socialist realism. Tübke was attacked both in the Ulbricht and the Honecker era. If you believe as I do that neither the Ulbricht or the Honecker governments were ‘socialist’ – how could Tübke’s major works have been state sponsored? The GDR was by the late 1950s part of the Comecon network of states. The original purpose of the ‘People’s Democracies’ moving towards socialism, had been warped into becoming colonial outposts of the USSR revisionist, neo-imperialist state. The camouflage of a ‘socialist art’ tradition was useful to their pretence of being a workers state. That led the GDR to tolerate the Leipzig school. 

If you go, and you are not interested in the alleged healing properties of the spas (‘Bad’) – there is little else to do in the town. So an alternative is to stay in Erfurt and do a day trip via regional trains.