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Paris est une Fête, but who really gets to Celebrate?

The contradictory Olympics mix spectacle, gentrification and discrimination


03/08/2024

The Paris Olympic Games opening ceremony was far beyond my expectations and such a breath of fresh air in contrast with the intensified presence of the extreme right in the French media lately. Some of us commented that it felt like we lived in a country led by the left for a few hours before coming back to the harsh reality of a people resisting the rise of fascism via extreme right parties who threatened to win the last legislative elections. The extravagant opening ceremony encapsulated the diversity of France, its multiculturalism and rich history. 

Highlights of the show included the French-Malian singer Aya Nakamura performing alongside the orchestra of the Republican Guard. Nakamura has often received racist attacks from reactionary right-wing critics accusing her of humiliating the French language as she creatively mixes French with West-African dialects, as well as Arabic and English, in her songs. Her performance was all the more iconic that it took place in front of the highly symbolic French Academy, the conservative temple of the French language. One in the eye for her detractors. Other major moments included a re-creation of the Feast of Dionysus with drag queens paired with ballet and ballroom performances displaying an inclusive choice of models and dancers with body diversity. Feminism was also at the forefront of the ceremony with (cardboard) statues of ten French historic feminist figures including decolonial activists Louise Michel and Gisèle Halimi. 

And the show created by artistic director Thomas Jolly and his team did not stop on TV, since the second best part was the reaction of the right wing on social media. Outraged by the opening ceremony, they deemed the show to be embarrassing for the image of France abroad, not appropriate to be watched by children because of drag queens and a sequence showing a love triangle as an homage to Truffaut’s Jules et Jim. Some even considered the scene of a beheaded Marie-Antoinette bleeding figure while death-metal band Gojira inflamed the Conciergerie to be clearly satanic and obscene. Marie-Antoinette is thence still the #1 decapitated figure horrifying spectators on social media, but not an ounce of concern is expressed for the videos of actual decapitated children from Gaza that keep being shared online.

Although it’s hard to distinguish between what was imposed on Jolly by the French government and the IOC and what falls under his actual artistic choices, some moments in the ceremony clouded the picture. Some might say that the ceremony was altogether hypocritical for showing an idyllic France when minorities are constantly endangered, it can also be understood as an artistic decision to foreground resistance against our politicians and an opportunity to show an alternative French society, one possibly based on human values. 

As singer Juliette Armanet sang one of the Olympic ceremony’s classics, John Lennon’s Imagine,  “We stand united for peace” appeared while French commentators highlighted the anti-capitalist nature of the song. Quite a jarring description to highlight anti-capitalism when LVMH, the official sponsor of the games, made sure to showcase its products throughout the whole ceremony and most importantly, a very discordant message on our screens when the Israeli delegation was allowed to take part in the Olympics despite the ongoing genocide in Gaza—an asymmetrical principle when Russian athletes are banned from international competition. The Palestinian delegation, rather small as about 400 Palestinian athletes were murdered by the Israeli state, has been enthusiastically acclaimed by the public during the ceremony. 

That said, it didn’t refrain the French government from heightening the repression against Palestinian support during the games as the display of Palestinian flags has been banned with a fine of 135€ for whoever defies the ban, when supporters of other countries are free to wave their flags. This ban happens in a context where France was already under fire for its racist and Islamophobic ban on the hijab for competing athletes, a liberty supposed to be secured by the French secular law. Some women are therefore prevented from competing for arbitrary reasons, but the IOC allowed Steven van de Velde, a convicted rapist, to play on the Dutch volleyball team. 

It should also be pointed out that the ceremony almost did not happen, as a strike threat initiated by the union for performing artists (part of CGT) loomed over the Olympic Games. Strikers’ demands included the transfer of image rights and reimbursement of transport and accommodation considering their total salary would have gone to those expenses given Paris’ housing prices. Added to this, a difference in treatment for performers who would dance side by side was denounced between intermittent artists directly hired by the production company and other artists hired for the ceremony through their own company. The strike call was eventually lifted shortly before the opening ceremony day after artists obtained more satisfying working conditions. 

Critics of the Paris Olympic Games don’t only concern themselves with the opening ceremony. The organization of the event and the social cost of the Olympics highlighted by the collective Le Revers de la Médaille, as on each occurrence of the games, is no minor consideration. Students were one of the first groups impacted, with 3200 student accommodation units being requisitioned for the event, and out of 1400 rehousing applications only 100 students received a new accommodation. The police officers from other regions in France, for whom the studios were requisitioned, were able to get the units cleaned and disinfected after the intervention of the police union since a lot of accommodations were unsanitary and infested with cockroaches —a demand student unions voiced in vain for years, but which happened instantly for the police staff. 

Numerous abusive evictions also took place in a city with skyrocketing rent prices, as greedy landlords hoped to make a profit by renting their apartments on Airbnb during the event, leaving hundreds of tenants in very precarious situations. To give a perfect postcard rendering of Paris for tourists, about 12,500 homeless people were also swept from the streets, squats, and shanty towns and sent to other French regions by bus. And when the government sees evictions of homeless people as a necessity and a minor issue since they are already in the streets, the reality is strikingly different. A lot of those people lost their jobs as a result, and were uprooted from their social ties in neighborhoods where people knew them and cared for them, or from their solidarity networks for those living in squats. 

When locals are not evicted, their already shrinking commons and highly necessary natural spaces, vectors of biodiversity in dense urban concrete areas are being appropriated to build more amenities for the event. It has been the case of the Aubervilliers Workers’ Gardens where 4.000 square metres of gardens were destroyed to make way for a solarium adjoining an Olympic pool, a project that was eventually aborted. Similarly, the sex worker community already facing difficult work situations, physically and mentally endangered by French laws penalizing both sex workers and clients, is also targeted with greater anti-prostitution campaigns putting them in even more danger. 

Under the pretext of security, the Olympic Games have also been the perfect excuse to implement mass surveillance measures with algorithm-driven smart cameras until 2025, way after the end of the competition. These measures pose considerable threat to personal liberties since our biometric data could be collected and machines are being trained to detect absolutely normal behavior— such as walking in a different direction than others or standing in a place for too long — and deeming them suspicious. 

The Olympic Games also mark the return of the infamous QR code zone system, a bitter memory of Covid times no one was pleased to see return. The system announced in advance made Parisians flee the city before the games, but not everyone can afford to leave their homes, creating Kafkaesque commute situations all over the city for local workers. Some patients are unable to reach their doctor’s office when located in restricted areas even with a proof of appointment. Nor can ambulances and taxis access the red zones, and some patients have been asked to walk and use public transportation after receiving surgery. 

The price of transportation tickets also doubled and no free transportation tickets have been offered to spectators as was first advertised. For disabled people living in Paris, a city already hostile to them, with only 3% of public transportation accessible in normal times, the daily headache of getting from point A to point B intensifies with the QR zones. No exceptions have been made for them, even when they have to make long detours because pedestrian crossings are closed. And as pointed out by feminist disability awareness collective Les Dévalideuses, the newly accessible housing infrastructures built to host athletes will probably end up being owned by private investors looking for return on investment with unaffordably high rents for a disabled population in severe lack of accessible housing and often in financially precarious situations, as disability often leads to financial difficulty and vice-versa. 

Beyond city accessibility, the actual format of the Olympic Games deserves to be scrutinized. Pierre de Coubertin, the ‘inventor’ of the modern Olympic Games was a major racist, sexist and colonialist, preventing people of color and women from participating in the games and the heritage of the discriminatory ‘past’ of the games lives on. Paris 2024 marks the first Olympic Games supposedly achieving a 50/50 male to female parity, but is that really the case? 

The Olympics are definitely a capitalist tool crystallizing into a worldwide event the glorification of idealized able bodies fitting a certain norm, perpetuating a cult of performance and meritocracy. Paralympic athletes still don’t perform on the side of the ‘real’ athletes, they don’t take part in the main opening ceremony with them, often don’t get paid, tickets for the events are cheaper, no one knows their name and this year cuts have been made in the size of the French Paralympic delegations to save money, which probably wouldn’t have happened in the regular olympics. 

The Paralympics, the main, if not only, televised competition showing disabled bodies turned out to be quite detrimental to the representation and inclusion of disabled people. How so? It entertains a discourse centered on the idea that disabled people can only be valued if they overcome their handicaps, teaching us a normative life lesson. But disabled people are not meant to be a life inspiration for an abled public, and disabled athletes are athletes like others who deserve the same coverage as given to the regular Olympics. 

Relegating disabled bodies to subaltern ranks outside of the main competition is surely a way to reinforce the concept of the ideal body for each gender. Yet the presence of trans and intersex athletes weakens the notion of the gender binary, illuminating these categories as fictions perpetuated by the competition. In French podcast Les Couilles sur la Table focusing on masculinities, socio-historian Anaïs Bohuon underlines the interesting fact that only women’s (natural) testosterone levels are tested to assess their right to compete in the women category — as has been the case with South-African runner Caster Semenya or more recently with Algerian boxer Imane Khelif — but this is not the case for men. The obsessive need to carefully examine women and define what their bodies should or shouldn’t be, in addition to objectifying them, reinforces the alleged weak nature of women.

Khelif who faces intense waves of transphobia from the likes of bigots like J.K. Rowling and Elon Musk has a variation of her sex traits called DSD (differences of sexual development). The National Institutes of Health maintains that it does not under any case question the fact that she is a cis woman and Khelif does not consider herself as trans or intersex. But even athletes without this variation face transphobic discrimination. French tennis player Amélie Mauresmo’s opponents and the media often questioned her gender, this coupled with lesbophobic attacks since she was open about her sexual orientation. The most famous female tennis player to have constantly faced transphobia remains Serena Williams, highlighting the fact that black women are overly discriminated against. 

The deviance from a gender division highly based on a ‘performance’ of femininity absolutely negates the diversity of bodies in nature. US swimmer Michael Phelps was not discarded from competing on account of his double-jointed ankles and hyper-jointed chest for instance, because this deviation from a norm is valued in men but seen as suspicious in women. Bohuon also brings to light the fact that no one is equal in competition and that when biological characteristics are always the major factors questioned in sports, socio-economic inequalities or the confidence gap between men/women are also highly influential factors. Even within categories of disabled athletes, some disabilities are so different that creating homogeneous groups turns out to be impossible. 

Bohuon also reminds us that under the false pretense of ensuring a fair game, women have often been discarded from competing with men, and not always out of ‘fairness’ but because sports represented (and still do) a tool of oppression justifying men’s physical superiority over women. It was long inconceivable that women could compete with men and sometimes beat them. The case of the infamous double-amputee sprinter Oscar Pistorius competing in the regular Olympics is also interesting considering this double treatment. Subaltern categories need to exist to sustain the myth of a natural superiority of able-bodied men, yet when the subalterns prove themselves to be as successful as the latter category, they are cast aside and accused of unfair advantage. 

But should the Olympic Games be canceled altogether? The values that these sports bring — such as respect, team spirit, solidarity or tolerance — are honorable, but how could we further improve the Olympic Games to make them inclusive for all of us? Should we rethink gender categories as gender is a social construct? Ableism? How could this be implemented? Or is the very idea of competition actually doomed if we only focus on performance and not on the beauty of the game, on good treatment of horses for equestrian sports, on team cohesion, on outstanding performance in adversity for athletes of the refugee team, for instance, or on so many other aspects that could be assigned more value? The 33rd Olympic Games have achieved a façade of parity for the first time, but purple washing has good days ahead if the IOC doesn’t engage in a deeper reflection on its myriad disparities. 

Jeremy Corbyn’s Independent campaign in Britain’s 2024 General Election

A View from the Inside


02/08/2024

The outcome of the 2024 British General Election was never in doubt. A Conservative Party lurching from crisis to crisis, from leader to leader, was staring at a heavy defeat. Opinion polls up to 24 hours before the election consistently gave Keir Starmer’s Labour a lead of 15-20%. 

Starmer dreamt of winning a landslide victory over the Tories but equally important to him were two other dreams: the marginalisation of left-wing opponents within the Party, and the total vanquishing and humiliation of the left-wing former leader of the Party, Jeremy Corbyn. Corbyn was standing this time as an Independent candidate in his innerLondon, Islington North Constituency that he had represented for the Labour Party since 1983. Independents, however well-known, rarely succeed in breaking through Britain’s archaic “first past the post” election system dominated by big party machines. 

Starmer won his landslide: 64% of the seats in Parliament but, astonishingly, on less than 34% of the vote share (far fewer than the 40% vote share Corbyn achieved in his first attempt to win a General Election in 2017). Despite the Tories’ disastrous campaign, their vote held up at 24%. The surprise in the pack was the far-right populist Reform Party, led by Nigel Farage, which collected more than 14% of the national vote share and won five seats in Parliament, taking votes from both former Tory and Labour supporters. 

In absolute numbers, combined votes for the Tories and Reform outstripped Labour. In Starmer’s own seat, his personal vote went down by more than 18,000. A large chunk of those votes went instead to an excellent Independent left-wing candidate, Andrew Feinstein, a South African born anti-Zionist Jew who at one time served as an ANC MP under Nelson Mandela. Many of Starmer’s closest right-wing allies saw their personal vote fall massively in their constituencies. Jonathan Ashworth, one such ally who would certainly have held a Cabinet post, suffered a shock defeat to an independent. And Starmer’s new Health Minister, Wes Streeting, defending a majority of more than 5,200, saw that shrink to barely 500. This was due to an Independent challenge from 23-year-old Leanne Mohammed, a British-Palestinian who focused significantly on Labour’s shortcomings in its stance on the Gaza War. 

Starmer’s dream of finally destroying Corbyn turned to a nightmare. The ever-energetic veteran left-winger won a comfortable majority of 7,500 over his Labour opponent, Praful Nargund, a young multi-millionaire who has made his fortune as director of a set of private health and venture capitalist companies, and is an unimpressive local Labour councillor in the neighbouring constituency of Islington South. 

A week before the election was announced, the Labour hierarchy had started a nomination process in Islington North from which Corbyn was barred. Nargund was one of a few names put forward. Once the election was declared, that internal process was abruptly ended and Nargund was simply imposed on the local party, with local members having no say. 

Newspapers claimed that despite Corbyn’s campaign as an independent starting positively and energetically, opinion polls suggested that Nargund was 5% ahead in that seat as the election day approached. The media described exit polls on the day as “too close to call”. They and Starmer were equally in denial about Corbyn’s continued appeal and the nature and effectiveness of what he had described as a “people-powered campaign”.

I rejoined the Labour Party in 2015, when Corbyn stood for the Labour leadership. I resigned in 2022 in protest of their attacks on democracy, their anti-left witch-hunting and the utter dishonesty of their supposed campaign against antisemitism which was anything but, having resulted in many left-wing Jews being pushed out of the Party. 

I was excited, and not at all surprised, when Corbyn declared that he was standing as an Independent. And having been heavily involved in that campaign at different levels, I can identify some of the key factors that made it successful, and how that might inspire other successful campaigning from the Left.

At its heart was:

  • accessibility – valuing people and enabling them to contribute their skills and energy in a way that was possible for them.
  • egalitarianism – an absence of unnecessary hierarchies, and a strong collective spirit built on working together, and online channels of communication between activists that enabled a free flow of ideas, reflections and suggestions.
  • principle – a campaign that was unafraid to express its radical political messages in straightforward language, as they related to both local and global issues.

These values were modelled by Corbyn himself. As a politician who is completely unafraid to engage directly with the public, he is an increasingly rare species in Britain. He constantly seeks to talk with people, listen to them, and work alongside them. He urged us to keep to positive messages, not to descend into the gutter with opponents when they abused us.

We knew that, should he stand as an independent, people would travel a long way to support him. I took part in one of several canvassing sessions on the first weekend after the election was called. Around 25 of us formed a circle at our meeting point and people briefly introduced themselves. The two people running the canvass were in tears as they explained they had resigned from the Labour Party that very morning after many, many years, in order to work to elect Corbyn again.

Several people in the circle were local but then the areas named became more distant, until one man, a train driver, said he had travelled from Hull (290 kilometres away) that morning to join the campaign! That seemed astonishing, but later in the campaign we encountered people from all over England as well as Scotland, Wales and Ireland. In the campaign’s final days, one of the most hostile anti-Corbyn journalists claimed that Corbyn campaigners were being bussed-in with expenses paid to flood the constituency. This was ridiculed by many on social media who described taking their own decisions to travel hundreds of kilometres at their own expense, to campaign for a politician they loved and believed in.

A hub was created close to the offices of the Peace & Justice project that Corbyn founded in 2021. That hub operated almost round the clock. Each time I visited I could feel the positive buzz within – people of all ages, ethnicities and backgrounds, phone-banking, stuffing envelopes, organising canvassing teams, inputting canvass data, dealing with press enquiries and social media, all while consuming tea, donated biscuits and small treats in abundance.

Much of the operation followed a traditional pattern – leafleting voters, returning to hold a conversation with them, inputting data captured, chasing up definite and undecided voters close to election day, and of course on the day itself. But, especially on weekends, canvassing sessions were held immediately after a short rally with guest speakers, including Corbyn himself, focusing on key issues such as housing, health, poverty and the environment. These swiftly arranged local rallies often attracted hundreds, and a good proportion stayed to join canvassing teams.

Corbyn was in the constituency every day, but combined that with his vital campaign work for Palestine in which he had been prominent for several months, as well as attending public meetings for the local candidates to face questions on issues such as the environment, housing and health. Those attending these meetings were unimpressed to see two empty chairs – both Labour and the Tories instructed their candidates not to attend these events, and Corbyn’s labour opponent made the feeblest of excuses.

Responses on the doorstep, to be honest, were mixed. Enthusiastic constituents would describe how Corbyn had helped them solve difficult problems with great determination; but we met others so alienated by politics in 2024 Britain, they were refusing to vote at all. And in a country that in fairly recent times had witnessed the establishment’s sustained character assassination of Corbyn, in which the media, who repeated false accusations trying to label Britain’s most prominent anti-racist parliamentarian an antisemite, we met some families taken in by these lies. Nevertheless, canvass teams were reporting that Corbyn had a lot of support especially on the bigger housing estates.

Three weeks into the campaign, a new element was added: “dynamic canvassing”. This took place outside tube stations and supermarkets, where lots of people passed by who you could try to engage in a conversation about the election. They would tell you about how they met Corbyn in a particular campaign or through being involved with a community group, and why they valued him so much. When Corbyn himself appeared on “dynamic canvassing” forays, he would soon be surrounded by people asking him questions or taking selfies with him!

Outside supermarkets we were also confronted with sometimes aggressive behaviour from those who had had their minds poisoned by anti-Corbyn media propaganda in recent years, but if you could get into a conversation it was possible to challenge their beliefs. In one instance a heavily built angry young person was shouting at me that he couldn’t vote for Corbyn because Corbyn was “an antisemite”. I responded, “well I’m Jewish and I’m supporting him; lets chat about this.” He continued to pour out accusations littered with “terrorist”, “Hamas” and so on, but I stayed calm and gradually drew him into a conversation, and pointed to other people leafleting for Corbyn nearby. I suggested we could ask them to join the conversation, “because she’s Jewish… and that one, she’s Jewish too…” I told him some truths about Corbyn’s support for Jewish people through his anti-fascist work. Then I told him about an old Jewish cemetery that, in the 1990s, the local council was allowing to be sold off to developers to build on the land. Corbyn worked with Jewish groups to save the cemetery. I added a further detail implicating the then leader of the council, Margaret Hodge, prominent in later years for accusing Corbyn of “antisemitism”. Our conversation ended with this constituent calm but somewhat confused. And of course other passers-by were listening in.

Alongside daily canvassing of households and “dynamic canvassing”, the campaign organised a team doing specialist work among the different communities, especially the large Muslim communities locally. Over the decades, Corbyn has built up very positive relations with religious/ethnic minorities, community campaigns and local trade unionists. This “community engagement team” worked through the campaign period to strengthen support from those groups. Lots of work was done with local mosques. Trade unionists who knew Corbyn from their picket lines came from far and wide to canvass for him. 

In the last 10 days of the campaign a letter was made public, especially on social media, with more than 70 signatures of local Labour Party officers who had resigned from the Party in order to campaign openly for Corbyn. In the final week of the campaign, embarrassing material about the Labour candidate’s involvement with private health was getting an airing.  He did not refute these himself, though his supporters described it as a “smear campaign”. It wasn’t. It simply contrasted direct evidence of his vocal support for further privatisation in the health service with Corbyn’s decades of support for the National Health Service.

Social media was flooded with photos from the canvassing campaign. Nargund’s campaign photos featured very few recognisable faces from the local Labour Party, but he did have several featuring organised support from the “Jewish labour Movement“ (JLM) – an explicitly pro-Zionist group affiliated to Labour but firmly on its right wing.  It had played a key role campaigning within Labour against Corbyn when he was leader and worked overtime to get members critical of Israel/Zionism disciplined and expelled from the party. JLM openly boycotted the 2019 election, save for a few seats. Effectively they were seeking a Labour election defeat to the Tories, the party of the Hostile Environment towards migrants and refugees. Well known and deeply unpopular right wing members of the Labour Party, such as Peter Mandelson, Margaret Hodge and Tom Watson publicly canvassed for Nargund. This may not have helped him!

In the early hours of 5th July, news came from the count that Corbyn’s camp were becoming quietly more confident while Nargund’s camp were more circumspect and preparing themselves for a disappointment. The announcement of the result, followed by Corbyn’s defiant but respectful acceptance speech, was a joy to watch. When we heard over the coming hours that a number of other left-wing Independents had succeeded, that joy was doubled.  This election has done much more than simply end Tory rule. It has shown that there are ways to successfully challenge the machine politics of right-wing labour, and we intend to build on that. 

News from Berlin and Germany, 1st August 2024

Weekly news round-up from Berlin and Germany


01/08/2024

NEWS FROM BERLIN

Number of applications for naturalisation increased sharply in Berlin

The number of applications for naturalisation in Berlin has recently risen noticeably. In June, around 4,000 applications were received by the State Office for Immigration (LAE), an average of 133 per day, a spokesperson told the German Press Agency on request. From 27 June to 21 July, the office had already received over 5,000 applications – an average of around 200 per day. No figures are yet available for the whole of July. The new citizenship law formulated by the traffic-light coalition in the federal government stipulates that naturalisation is now possible after five years instead of the previous eight – provided the applicant fulfils all conditions. Source: rbb

Public-private partnership costs Berlin several billions

The organisation ‘Gemeingut in BürgerInnenhand’ criticised the construction of schools by the Howoge Group in Berlin. ‘Gemeingut in BürgerInnenhand’ has been monitoring the Berlin School Construction Offensive (BSO) since 2016. In particular, the association pointed out that outsourcing to the housing association Howoge is a public-private partnership and harbours considerable risks. Last year, the initiative revealed that a total of €11.7 billion was to be spent on Howoge schools instead of the originally stated €1 billion – for the same number of school places. The organisation believes the Berlin government has to focus on aid for overcrowded and dilapidated schools. Source: jW

CSD: neo-Nazis arrested at Potsdamer Platz

Police appear to have prevented an attack on Christopher Street Day, taking around 30 members of a far-right group into preventative custody last Saturday. The suspects occasionally flashed ‘white power’ hand signals. According to police information, this group – consisting of more than two dozen right-wing extremists – came to Berlin with the intention of creating confusion and attacking people during the CSD pride demonstration. Those ambitions were thwarted by police intervention when the group was handcuffed and removed from the area in prisoner transport vehicles. While the minors among the group were immediately released, the adults were kept in custody until after midnight; all have since been released. Source: theberliner

NEWS FROM GERMANY

Change of strategy at the Ministry of Construction

Federal Building Minister Klara Geywitz (SPD) is no longer pursuing the goal of boosting social housing construction in urban centres so that everyone can find affordable accommodation there. Instead, she now wants to encourage city dwellers to move to the provinces. ‘There are almost two million empty flats in Germany. But there is a huge demand in our major cities and metropolitan regions. We will therefore present a strategy against the vacancy rate at the end of the year,’ Geywitz announced in the Neue Osnabrücker Zeitung. ‘We should be ready in November.’ Source: jW

AfD candidate Björn Höcke threatens the police

Last Saturday, two sides clashed in Saalfeld, Thuringia: the party AfD had invited people to a ‘family festival’ on the market square. Opponents organised their own event and called it a ‘festival of democracy.’ During a speech by party leader Björn Höcke, there was a loud protest. He then called on the officers to take action: ‘I ask the police to stop attacking this gathering and to enforce Section 21 of the Assembly Act.’ He then became more explicit: ‘If that doesn’t work, I’ll be at the local police station afterwards and 1000 people with me.’ Source: welt

Concentration camp secretary as assistant to the mass murderers?

It could be the last concentration camp trial. Today, the Federal Court of Justice heard the case of a former concentration camp secretary. Irmgard F. had defended herself against her conviction for aiding and abetting mass murder. The Itzehoe district court had sentenced the now 99-year-old Irmgard F. to two years’ probation for aiding and abetting murder in more than 10,000 cases in the Stutthof concentration camp. The case is centred on a fundamental question: could a secretary in a Nazi concentration camp have been an accomplice to thousands of mass murders? A verdict is due to be announced on 20 August. Source: tagesschau

Red tape: immigrants frustrated at German citizenship bureaucracy

Immigrants applying for German citizenship spoke of their disillusionment with the country and its bureaucracy. The experience is only likely to get worse as more people apply. Because of this, many skilled workers in Germany have formed social media groups where they vent their anger about dealing with German bureaucracy. In late June, some organized a protest outside Berlin’s office for immigration, the LEA, calling for ‘a fair and transparent processing of citizenship applications.’ Many even feel that only legal action will get them to the top of the pile — by filing a so-called ‘Untätigkeitsklage,’ or ‘failure to act lawsuit,’ against the immigration authorities. Source: dw