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Munich and Mannheim: A Tale of Two Car Attacks

Two German cities experienced acts of terrorism. The Muslim murderer was a “terrorist” — his far-right counterpart was “mentally ill.”


14/03/2025

The two attacks were remarkably similar: a man drives a car into a crowd of people, killing two and injuring many more. It happened on February 13 in Munich at a demonstration by striking public sector workers. It happened again on March 3 in the Mannheim city center.

Instead of focusing on the similarities (are cars the problem, or men?), German media and politicians have treated the cases completely differently.

The Munich attacker, originally from Afghanistan, had a copy of the Quran in his car. He was immediately called a “terrorist.” Both Afghan and Muslim associations were expected to distance themselves.

The Mannheim murderer, in contrast, is a white German. For the last ten days, cops and politicians have repeated the mantras “the motive remains unclear” and that there are “no links to extremism.” No German, Christian, or right-wing groups have had to condemn the violence.

The amount of reporting has been radically different as well. Within just a day, as soon as it became clear that the killer was white, the Mannheim attack disappeared from national news. A study shows that Mannheim got less than half as much press coverage as comparable attacks.

Even the language was notably different. Munich was universally referred to as an Attentat, an assassination or terrorist attack, but Mannheim got referred to as an “Auto fährt in the Menschenmenge” (a car driving into a of people crowd), as if the driver might have had a seizure and lost control.

It took just a day for the antifascist research group EXIF to publish a dossier about Alexander S. He has a conviction for posting Nazi slogans online. He has connections to an armed fascist group. He was photographed at a Nazi demonstration in Berlin in 2018. We wouldn’t know about any of this if we had relied on the authorities. 

It’s not that mass media are hiding this fact, exactly. Der Spiegel mentions the Nazi connection in an article — in the sixteenth paragraph.

Police say: Ok, but besides all this, we don’t have any additional evidence of extremist views. Instead, they point to the killer’s mental health problems. This is tautological — can’t we assume that anyone who drives a car into a crowd is having some issues? A Nazi can be psychologically unwell. 

The disturbing implication is that we are in a Huntington-style Clash of Civilizations, and for a Muslim, mass murder would be rational.

The German state simply refuses to acknowledge the pervasiveness of right-wing terrorism. Since 1990, at least 300 people have been murdered by Nazis. Yet each of these is treated as a “lone wolf” with no connections to broader society. Only when a killer is a migrant are we told that his deeds represent an entire “culture.”

Yet it’s widespread racism in German society that is inspiring people, including some with issues, to commit mass murder. Stochastic terrorism is the term when mainstream politicians dehumanize groups of people — and then individuals take such ideas to their rational conclusion. But German capitalist society refuses to look at the far-right views widespread in the police, the bourgeoisie, and the parliament.

After the Munich attack, there were calls to increase deportations and attack basic democratic and constitutional rights like the right to asylum. After the Mannheim attack, there was a brief frenzy, until it became clear the perpetrator was a Nazi — and then there was silence. The logical conclusion would be that we need to deport all right-wing Germans. We see what kind of violence AfD supporters are capable of! 

The only problem: Would anyone take them?

Note: Last week I wrote about the new German government’s plans to spend hundreds of billions of additional euros on the military. Next Tuesday, March 18, at 17:00 there will be a protest against the new war credits in front of the Bundestag. It is up to us to stop this new wave of German militarism.

Red Flag is a weekly column on Berlin politics that Nathaniel Flakin has been writing since 2020. After moving through different homes, it now appears every Friday at The Left Berlin.

ICHRP Welcomes Duterte’s Arrest: A Landmark Step Towards Justice

Statement from the International Coalition for Human Rights in the Philippines


13/03/2025

The International Coalition for Human Rights in the Philippines (ICHRP) welcomes the arrest of former Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte for crimes against humanity. Duterte’s detention, following a warrant issued by the International Criminal Court (ICC), marks an unprecedented step towards justice for the thousands of victims of his bloody war on the poor and war on dissent. 

“This is a historic moment for the victims and their families who have long suffered under Duterte’s reign of terror,” said ICHRP Chairperson Peter Murphy. “The arc of the moral universe is long, but today, it has bent towards justice. Duterte’s arrest is the beginning of accountability for the mass killings that defined his brutal rule.” 

Duterte’s drug war resulted in approximately 30,000 deaths and hundreds more civilians were killed in his counterinsurgency campaign, as documented by human rights groups, with many victims being extrajudicially executed in what amounted to state-sanctioned murder. Despite the Philippine government’s withdrawal from the ICC in March 2019, the court continued its investigation of alleged murder and torture cases up to that time. 

“Duterte once believed he was untouchable, but through the enduring demand for justice by the families of the victims, we are seeing that it will be soon served,” Murphy continued. “His arrest should serve as a stark warning to all war criminals, including those currently in power. There is always the possibility that the international community will finally act against leaders who trample on human rights and international humanitarian law. Impunity has limits,” said Murphy. 

After years of investigation and extensive evidence gathered by the International Peoples’ Tribunals, Investigate PH, and the UN Human Rights Council, alongside the filing of cases by victims and human rights groups to the International Criminal Court, the ICC has now issued a warrant and it has been executed. ICHRP will join the Filipino people in being vigilant and ensuring that true justice is served.  

“We also emphasize that there should be no special treatment for Duterte, as has been the norm for elite officials in the Philippines who have evaded justice through fabricated medical excuses and political maneuvering. The law must apply equally, and Duterte should face his day in court without preferential treatment,” said Murphy. 

ICHRP further calls on the Philippine government to fully cooperate with the ICC’s legal process and ensure Duterte has aa fair trial. “This is just the first step,” Murphy emphasized. “Justice for the victims demands not only Duterte’s conviction but also accountability for all those who enabled and who continue to execute his deadly policies and mechanisms of terror.” 

The arrest of Duterte sends a resounding message that crimes against humanity will not go unpunished. ICHRP remains steadfast in its commitment to seeking justice for all victims of human rights violations in the Philippines. 

The International Coalition for Human Rights in the Philippines (ICHRP) is a global network of organizations, concerned about the human rights situation in the Philippines and committed to campaign for just and lasting peace in the country. For general inquires, contact us here, or by direct message on Facebook, Instagram, or X.

Protest Camp for Refugee Rights and Climate Justice

Statement by OPlatz Lebt!

OPlatz lebt! is here again to make the various struggles for refugee rights and climate justice visible! The current political discourse is heavily lead by fascist ideas, with authoritarian and right-wing forces are on the rise and the abolition of human rights is socially acceptable. The media and politics alike are increasingly dehumanising people of colour and migrants, while the climate crisis is unfolding and creating a future in which millions of people will be on the move due to their homes becoming unliveable. We want to stand against the ideas of a ‘fortress Europe’ that tries to sustain a perceived status quo of a white, middle-class EU – with the price being the lives of all those seeking for refuge from war, persecution and climate crisis.

The main demands accompanying the camp revolve around the living conditions of migrants and asylum seekers here in Germany. We demand a stop to deportations to guarantee refugees’ safety as well as an abolition of the Residence Obligation Law and the Bezahlkarte, which only serve to complicate asylum seekers’ lives. We demand a closure of all refugee camps and humane living conditions and the unconditional right to work and study for refugees to minimise dependency from the German state. Furthermore we demand a stop to the EU’s deadly border politics and recognition that war, persecution and climate change are forcing people to flee their homes and leave them in need for protection. Equal rights and an end to discrimination now!

In this political and economic climate, with inflation driving prices up to a point where the common citizen can barely survive, the European states keep sending money to border regimes, companies and mafias who make the process of asking for asylum a deadly game. Managing to enter the EU, refugees face a maze of inhumane living conditions, unfeasible bureaucracy and a racist system directed against them. A system that discriminates between different ‘kinds’ of refugees: White-passing Ukrainians, initially being treated very well, on the one side, stigmatised darker skinned asylum seekers from the so-called ‘middle-east’ and from all over the world on the other side. This othering divides the people further and keeps us busy fighting each other instead of the exploitative neoliberal capitalist system that destroys life in every form. We are here to bring climate justice to the political discourse to recognise the ways in which European hegemony and (neo)colonialist structures keep on destroying our planet and its various ecosystems.

The camp is in solidarity with all indigenous struggles and all refugees regardless of the reasons bringing them here.

This month of resistance is not just a protest, it’s a space for education, mobilisation and community building. We are here to make our voices heard, to reclaim our right to exist and to keep building the branches of the anti-colonialist, anti-border, anti-racist and anti-capitalist movement. Together, we are strong!

Demo101

Digital protection for activists


12/03/2025

Demo101 is a compilation of knowledge, strategies, and approaches developed by lawyers, activists, and community initiatives in Germany. It provides guidance on encounters with the police, including topics such as arrests, pepper spraying, identification, filming the police, and police violence.

Demo101 also helps you navigate the political landscape digitally by offering guides and tools for digital safety and anonymity, as well as resources to contact your representative online.

A key focus is best practices before, during, and after a demonstration—especially with our embedded Demoticker (run by Systemli).

Additionally, we provide updates on recent rulings and news related to demonstrations in Germany via our Telegram channel: https://t.me/d101germany

The German Federal Elections — Bleak with a Chance of Hope

Analysis of the German election results

At the Bundestag elections on Sunday, 23rd of February, the political landscape in Germany shifted further to the right. As expected, Friedrich Merz, the right-wing conservative candidate of the Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU), won the election. The fascist AfD won a plurality of votes in almost all constituencies in the former East and is now the second largest party in the Bundestag with almost 21%. The governing parties, the social democratic SPD, the Greens, and the liberal FDP, all suffered heavy losses. At the same time, a massive influx of young activists in the big cities has brought the socialist party Die Linke back to life. Die Linke was able to almost double its share of the vote to 8.8% and even become the largest party in Berlin.

The fact that Friedrich Merz was able to become the CDU’s top candidate was already a sign of the cold right-wing gust that has been blowing through the country in recent years. The former chairman of the supervisory board of Blackrock Germany is an ideologue from the CDU’s right, who voted against criminalizing marital rape in 1992. Both Helmut Kohl and Angela Merkel did not trust him and refused to give him a ministerial post. With Merz, the CDU has turned away from Merkel’s centrist domestic policies and it now stands for a repressive migration policy, a ban on abortion, and tax breaks for the rich and for a longer working week. In today’s economic and geopolitical crisis, this is compounded by austerity and heavy militarization.

The fascist Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) was able to double its votes to almost 21%. In the weeks leading up to the elections, they had the wind in their sails; the campaign was dominated by knife attacks in several cities, which made the debate on asylum and migration even more poisonous than before. But support for the AfD is a long-term phenomenon; in recent years, the AfD has taken root in society. In rural regions, and most of all in the East, there is hardly any other party present. This will embolden fascists to intimidate local opponents even further.

An unpopular government

This much is certain: the growth of the AfD is fuelled by enormous dissatisfaction with the prevailing politics and fears of an economic downturn. The “traffic light government” of Chancellor Scholz (SPD) was unprecedentedly unpopular. In the week before Finance Minister Christian Lindner (FDP) pulled the plug on the coalition, only 14% of the country was satisfied with the government.

There is a general atmosphere of malaise. While even large companies such as Volkswagen and Daimler are laying off workers, wages and benefits are lagging far behind the rapidly rising rents, energy and food prices, all attempts by the SPD and Greens to make small social improvements were foiled by Lindner. Even in times of economic recession, the government held on to the so-called “debt brake” in the constitution, which forbids budget deficits, and preferred to cut back on youth care, education and culture. Only one exception was made: the Sondervermögen of 100 billion Euros for upgrading the Bundeswehr. The result for Scholz’s SPD is the worst result since 1887 with 16.4%.

The campaign was already polarized, but at the end of January, Friedrich Merz (and Lindner) took it one step further by actively working with the AfD in parliament for the first time. The aim was, among other things, permanent controls at all borders and the authority to permanently detain innocent asylum seekers who had been rejected. Family reunification would also be banned.

The floodgates had opened. Merz broke the agreement between the mainstream parties and Die Linke not to work with the AfD. This unleashed a huge counter-movement with hundreds of thousands of people on the streets of Berlin, Munich, Hamburg and many other cities. In Berlin, a quarter of a million people gathered in front of the CDU headquarters, where the director of the Buchenwald memorial lectured Merz on fascism. In Cologne, hundreds of demonstrators blocked Merz’s car when he visited the university medical centre.

Wagenknecht split

For Die Linke, this movement came at exactly the right time. A few months ago, the socialists were still declared dead by friend and foe. On the issue of the genocide of the Palestinians, the party cut itself off from the solidarity movement with a combination of a lack of initiative and scandalous pro-Israeli positions of factions, officials and parts of the party base. But since Sahra Wagenknecht’s departure in January of last year, it was already palpable in branches in large cities that the party had a new appeal for young people who wanted to take action against fascism.

In the years before that, Die Linke had been battered by fierce internal quarrels, especially between the self-styled ‘left-conservative’ Wagenknecht wing and most other wings of the party: about migration and asylum, about what Wagenknecht called “all sorts of absurd minorities”, about Russia and about climate activism.

After Wagenknecht left to join the start a new party, the ‘Bündnis Sahra Wagenknecht’, Die Linke seemed to be in terminal decline. However, the political mix has proven too contradictory to survive in the long term. For instance, the BSW mixes social demands on issues such as the minimum wage and pensions with a concept of peace in Ukraine that ignores Russian imperial ambitions and sees the US as the only imperial actor. Wagenknecht also wants to cancel the right to asylum for people who have travelled to Germany through other countries – which in fact applies to all refugees. To top it all off, they voted in favour of the CDU and AfD bill. On election day, the BSW narrowly missed the 5% electoral threshold.

Militant anti-fascism

After the now widely watched speech by Die Linkes Heidi Reichinek against Merz’s collaboration with the AfD and the movement on the streets in the weeks that followed, the party gained momentum. By presenting itself as the polar opposite to the AfD, millions of people, especially young people and often women, helped Die Linke to 8.8% in the election. Many also became members. In the weeks before the election and directly afterwards, Die Linke has grown by almost 10.000 members per week to a national total of over 100.000.

In large cities, Die Linke was able to win more than 10% of the votes. In Berlin, the party even unexpectedly became the largest with 20% and won the most constituencies. This victory is the result of a well-organized campaign, in which members and sympathizers not only distributed flyers on the street, but also, in cooperation with neighborhood branches, knocked on as many doors as possible to hold talks.

In the multicultural working-class district of Berlin-Neukölln, where Die Linke won the most votes in the district for the first time in former West Germany with the anti-capitalist Ferat Kocak, this became particularly clear. There, 2,000 members and allies knocked on 140,000 doors and held 50,000 conversations. Often this was combined with the NGO petition against arms deliveries to Israel.

Now that the controversial Merz, hated by progressive Germany, is forming a coalition with an SPD that is already on its deathbed, the field suddenly seems open for a strong countermovement and for Die Linke to be the driving force and voice of it. In order to remain so, it will have to reinvent itself and adopt a new activist party concept. If it becomes an SPD 2.0 again, it will sooner or later lose itself in parliamentary games and give up the dynamics at the base for the next government participation.

It remains an open question whether the renewed party base can credibly put the party in the middle of organising the fightback against the Merz government on the streets. If the action-oriented, rebellious vision for the party can continue and the party throws itself fully into the fight, Die Linke can grow much further and become a real mass socialist party not just representing, but organising the German working class, in all its diversity.

This article was originally published in Dutsch on the socialisme.ne website