As protests against austerity policies grow in several European countries, Javier Milei’s government in Argentina is also facing mounting social discontent. Its policies include cuts to essential public services such as pensions, healthcare and education; the sale of land to foreign capital; and reckless borrowing.The situation in the country is precarious. Pensioners are forced to work to afford their medication; entire families struggle to make ends meet; and workers are compelled to take on second or even third jobs to avoid going hungry. Discontent is growing, while the parliamentary opposition remains weak. In this context, congresswoman Myriam Bregman, a leading figure in the Frente de Izquierda–Unidad (Left Front–Unity), stands out for her opposition to the government’s policies and her efforts to link parliamentary activity with workers’ mobilisation. One of the most recognisable voices of Argentina’s radical left, she also stands in contrast to the country’s traditional Peronist left, which has been too timid to confront a forceful personality like Milei.
On Thursday, 15 October, an extraordinary session of Congress was scheduled to vote, among other things, on repealing DNU 70/23. That is the emergency decree which was introduced by Milei’s government as one of its first measures. The stated aim of repeal was to curb the crisis and the runaway inflation gripping the country. The session ended before it could even begin. The quorum of 129 deputies required to open proceedings was not reached, and the debate could not begin. Several deputies who describe themselves as members of the opposition were absent, despite repeatedly supporting the governing majority’s policies in practice.
The public’s response stood in stark contrast to the paralysis on display in Congress. Huge crowds took to the streets that same day. Young people, pensioners, trade unions and political parties demonstrated throughout the day outside Congress, protesting against austerity, but other matters as well. Cuts to education and healthcare, as well as the failure to implement the law on university funding, were among the main issues raised by protesters. The police crackdown was particularly harsh. Rubber bullets, water cannons and tear gas put demonstrators through hours of ordeal. Beyond the capital, protests also took place in the country’s other major cities, including Córdoba, Mendoza and Rosario.
Representing the demands of the protesters and a growing, alternative radical left is congresswoman Myriam Bregman. Also known by the nickname “La Rusa”, she is a Trotskyist and member of the Frente de Izquierda–Unidad; and a lawyer whose work has focused particularly on human rights. In May this year, she was identified as the most popular figure in Argentine politics following a survey conducted by the Brazilian polling firm AtlasIntel. The survey, based on a sample of citizens, gave the congresswoman a 47% positive rating, compared with 46% negative. It covered 15 political figures in Argentina, including members of the government, the Peronist opposition and the right, as well as Bregman. A response to a survey question does not amount to a voting intention ahead of the next presidential election. It is nevertheless useful to understand the position she occupies within the country’s political landscape.
As a woman with a strong and charismatic personality, her popularity stems not only from her work in Congress but also, and above all,her presence on the streets alongside workers and oppressed groups.
Active since the beginning of Milei’s presidency, she has consistently represented an alternative to an opposition that has proved timid in the face of Javier Milei’s chainsaw politics. During the televised election debates in 2023, she was already one of the few opponents capable of standing up to the arrogance of the current president. She described him as an “employee of big business”, portraying him not as a lion but as an “affectionate little kitten of economic power”.
Bregman has been at the forefront of some of the most significant struggles against the government. She has been fiercely critical of the labour reform promoted by La Libertad Avanza. She was on the front line during the nationwide mobilisation held at the end of December 2025. On that occasion, her criticism was directed not only at the government but also at the CGT trade union confederation, whose methods she considered too moderate. “I don’t see how a half-hour demonstration can stop a pro-slavery reform, do you?” she wrote on social media on 18 December 2025. The following February, during the parliamentary session in which the same law was due to be put to a vote, shedeclared: “If they try to implement this law, they will find us in every workplace, every place of study, every neighbourhood. That is already happening, with people banging pots and pans and taking to the streets. We will not give up. We believe that now is not the time to take even a single step backwards”. Although the reform was ultimately passed, her struggle against it has continued through demonstrations and legal challenges.
Her political outlook embraces anti-capitalist anti-imperialist and feminist positions. At the heart of her programme lies the argument that the main culprits behind Argentina’s current economic and social crisis are big business, the banks and large landowners. According to her party, they should be made to pay for the situation the country is facing today.
Her position represents a break with the various Peronist governments that have governed Argentina, from Menem to Kirchnerism. Peronist lawmakers in Congress have shied away from confronting the government and have often reached compromises with it, exposing the weakness of their opposition. In Bregman’s view, the far right draws its strength precisely from this weakness. That is why she has repeatedly called on progressive and radical left forces around the world to build an international network capable of halting the reactionary far-right wave sweeping across the globe.
Following the failed extraordinary session on 15 October, shecriticised those who were absent and those who had gone back on their word. She accused provincial governors of playing a “double game” – they complain about being squeezed by the national government, she argued, only for “their deputies to end up backing it”. She vowed that, even though the quorum had not been reached that day, they would continue to press the issue to ensure that the situation did not go unnoticed. The political turncoats were promptly identified by the congresswoman and publicly denounced through La Izquierda Diario, the newspaper associated with the Socialist Workers’ Party (PTS).
The 2027 presidential election is still a long way off, and the left’s parliamentary representation remains limited. Yet, asdiscontent grows over the cost of living and austerity policies, Myriam Bregman’s rise raises a question that goes beyond any potential presidential candidacy: can a radical left transform its presence in the streets and its public visibility into a political force capable of influencing the country’s balance of power?
The answer will depend not only on the congresswoman’s popularity but also on the Frente de Izquierda’s ability to strengthen its ties with workers, young people and social movements. It is in the gap between personal popularity, social mobilisation and political representation that a significant part of Bregman’s challenge will be decided.
