To be human means to belong to an animal species capable of building a skyscraper and flying into space. But it also means being one of those who created and loved racism, genocide, and managed to turn war into a weapons business.
I remember how on the first day of the war, leaving Kyiv, I couldn’t imagine my own future. I’m not talking about a global future. Nah. Because of the war, I suddenly lost the ability to plan my life even more than one day in advance. This means that regular workouts and a healthy diet immediately collapsed. Effective learning also relies on regularity, and since I couldn’t plan for tomorrow, the ability to learn was suddenly lost. But even then, I was still human.
Reading the terrifying news about explosions, murders, and conditions of captivity, I understood that it was one of the boundaries of what we call being human. Cowardice and courage are equal cunstructors of us. Moreover, being the opposite of each other, they they are also different poles of one phenomenon.
“THREE SOLDIERS RAPED A WOMAN IN FRONT OF HER HUSBAND”
“A MILITARY MAN HAD SEXUAL CONTACT WITH AN ELDERLY WOMAN WHO REFUSED TO LEAVE HER HOUSE”
“A WOMAN TALKS ABOUT PREGNANCY AFTER CAPTURE”
Reading such news inevitably causes a numbing effect. I want to distance myself from what is happening. I want to grow a second skin. Can’t trust anyone. I want to stay in the house. And when I accidentally witness someone else’s kindness, I involuntarily begin to look with suspicion. They say that if one looks at a good person for a long time, a scoundrel appears. But the scoundrel is never us, but someone else, isn’t it?
When I got an erection on the first day of the war, I wondered if I was human? Is it normal to feel horny knowing that I could die at any minute? The country in which I lived may cease to exist, and I hide my hand in my pocket, making simple movements.
Am I normal? Am I even human? I didn’t know the answer then. A frightened brain was focused on survival and therefore simplifies reality. Military propaganda works on the same principle, but its goal is not to save your life, but to save the state.
Now I know that my sudden erection is also a sign of belonging to an animal species capable of building a skyscraper, flying into space, and also loving what hurts others.
***
What a monstrous delusion it is to believe that during war a person forgets about love.
What a monstrous delusion it is to judge others against yourself.
You can give your life for your ideologies, but this doesn’t give you the right to demand that your ideolgies become mine.
What is good for one person may be harmful for another. There is a great phrase in English – “to walk a mile in someone’s shoes.” I would go further and suggest exchanging not shoes, but underwear.
Of course, I don’t mean anything dirty; on the contrary, I’m talking about intimate things. Sexual preferences are intimate. Religious feelings are intimate. Ideals, life-changing decisions, a sense of duty, dignity – all this is intimate, which means individual, difficult to explain or for strangers to understand. Our life experiences have made it so. An attempt to impose one’s own “intimate” on another reveals the barbaric desire to act based on conclusions drawn through their life experience.
So, why complicate things? There are certain points that are clear. For example, murder is definitely bad. War is definitely bad. But my writing instinct tells me that there are not so many clear-cut things in the world, and maybe there are none at all. After all, if you ask a murderer about his motives, he will offer a version of events in which he is not the villian.
The same thing happens with war and with the military. For some, war is the death of loved ones, but for others it is the restoration of historical justice. And all because humanity has this trait – the desire to find a noble justification for any action.
That’s why all this talk of a debt to the homeland, which everyone must pay at the cost of their own life, is doubly insidious. Any soldier can become both a hero and a villain. The thing is – my homeland is not a commodity that I would like to pay for with my life.
***
So, what is it to be human?
In my novel THE MINING BOYS, I describe a conversation between two characters who managed to escape from Ukraine, despite the ban on men crossing the border. One of these guys wants to go to the Louvre, and the other to Auschwitz.
The Louvre is a place where the best manifestations of humanity are collected. And if everything is clear with the desire to visit the Louvre, then you can ask me why someone might want to visit Auschwitz, having fled a country in which there is a war? The fact is that places like Auschwitz demonstrate the worst that humanity is capable of. Visiting a concentration camp can show the limits of the horror that war can bring.
Will the war in Ukraine cross this border? Something tells me that it depends not only on the supply of weapons, but also on our ability to love in a time when even the question “how are you?” may sound like an insult. Your husband died in a house explosion because the country’s authorities didn’t let him go. How are you? Are you fine?
This piece is a part of a series, The Mining Boy Notes, published on Mondays and authored by Ilya Kharkow, a writer from Ukraine. For more information about Ilya, see his website. You can support his work by buying him a coffee.
The Fascists, a New Popular Front and the Crisis in France
One week before the first round of legislative elections, the Telegraph in London headlines on a “nationalist revolution” in France. The situation is changing constantly, with the far-right Rassemblement national (National Rally), led by Marine Le Pen and Jordan Bardella, at 35% in the polls and being predicted to get more seats than any other party. This article tries to explain what the main political forces are doing, and why anti-capitalists should campaign enthusiastically for the New Popular Front while putting forward arguments about the limits of change coming from parliament.
Macron
The polls say that President Macron’s party will get around 20% of the vote (but the two-round voting system makes it extremely difficult to translate this into a number of seats in parliament, since so much depends on alliances, which can shift between the two rounds). He is widely unpopular due to his neoliberal attacks, but was hoping that an express election would leave the Left divided, and himself able to pose as only alternative to Le Pen’s far right.
In the past, he had portrayed himself as “neither Left nor Right” and chose some of his ministers among ex-Socialist Party members. Next, he claimed to be the only obstacle to fascism. But this time round, he is claiming he wants to save France from the twin evils of left and right extremism. In reality, he steals policies from the far right, and attacks the Left whenever he can.
This week, when not desperately looking for new tax bribes to trumpet, he was denouncing the Left alliance New Popular Front’s programme as “totally immigrationist”, using a neologism actually invented by the fascists. The same day he tried to attract transphobes by commenting that some NPF policies were “grotesque, like the fact that you’ll be able to just go down to the town hall and change your sex”.
One of his main supporters, François Bayrou, railed against the supposed “two mortal dangers” facing France – the France Insoumise (France in Revolt) and the Rassemblement national. Macron has insisted that, even if he loses large numbers of MPs in this election, he will not resign as president. But nothing can be completely certain.
The fascists
Most people in France now, according to polls, do not think that the National Rally “is a threat to democracy”, and believe it has left its fascist past behind. But it has in fact only pretended to change. The slogan “To protect your identity and your borders” is still at the top of its leaflets. Refusing health care to undocumented migrants, and reserving social housing for French nationals are priorities for the RN. Excluding people with dual nationality from public service jobs has recently appeared in their programme, and banning the wearing of Muslim headscarves on the streets is also an RN policy (“not an immediate priority” according to Bardella).
As Kevin Ovenden writes, the last thirty years “have been a victory for Le Pen’s deep strategy of a long march through the institutions while her party core retains the traditions of French fascism”. Many French bosses, frightened by the social justice programme put forward by the Left, are now contacting Bardella for discussions. In general, French bosses, while being happy to have the fascists as a minority pulling politics to the right, have preferred them not to be in charge.
But this week the option of a government with a fascist core has been normalized. You get the impression that the next TV programme will be “How will a RN government affect your gardening requirements?”. Helped by Macron and the media, the RN is able to pose as defenders of democracy. Bardella declared recently that his party would defend French Jews against the antisemitism of Muslims and of the far Left!
The traditional right-wing party, the Republicans, at 9% in the polls, split spectacularly in two last week, faced with the question of allying with the RN or not. For many years, politicians of the traditional Right had avoided this – some because they had principles, some because they thought it would upset their voters. Occasionally anti-fascist movements have pushed parties to avoid such pacts, as in 1998 when a campaign of what we called “democratic harassment” got rid of the beginnings of an alliance.
The New Popular Front
Contrary to Macron’s hopes, the main Left parties have formed an alliance, the New Popular Front, which includes the France Insoumise (France in Revolt) of Jean-Luc Mélenchon, the Socialist Party, the Communist Party, and the Greens. In the polls, its estimated vote is at 29% and rising. The nature of the two-round elections means that a Left alliance will automatically reduce the number of towns where the Left is absent in the second round, and therefore the number of far-right MPs. The fact of this unity, and the quite radical joint programme produced, have motivated a dynamic campaign, and encouraged people to think that now is the time to move against fascism. Over 10 000 new people joined the networks of the France Insoumise within a few days. Some people around me are out leafletting for their first time ever.
Two of the biggest union confederations have broken with tradition by directly calling for a vote for the New Popular Front. Some regional trade union federations have set up electoral campaigning networks. Jewish anti-Zionist groups and organizations such as ATTAC and Greenpeace have voiced support. Top footballer Lilian Thuram declared “we need to fight every day so that RN does not gain power”. Despite being warned not to intervene, Kylian Mbappe expressed his support for his team mate, and was promptly denounced by Bardella. Several hundred public sector managers have signed a declaration saying that they will refuse to obey far-right ministers if they are asked to implement racist measures or other measures which are contrary to democratic values. Five hundred artists signed a declaration denouncing the far right, while academics have established a new “League for Academic Freedom”.
As we know, elections are not at the centre of class struggle, but the formation of the New Popular Front has allowed a far wider and deeper anti-fascist mobilization. Young people’s demonstrations last week chanted unanimously both “Front Populaire!” and “Siamo tutti anti-fascisti!”
The formation of a united Left front has also allowed the election discussions, even in the mass media, to be based on real issues. “At last the mega-rich will pay their share” declared Jean-Luc Mélenchon on the front page of 20 Minutes, a free newspaper which distributes millions of copies in the Paris metro. Meanwhile, Nobel prize winner Esther Duflo explained on TV why it is perfectly possible to finance the raising of the minimum wage by 14% and the raising of all public sector salaries by 10%, as is promised in the New Popular Front manifesto.
Of course the New Popular Front is in some ways fragile. Its programme is radical mostly due to the strength of the France Insoumise, and to the power of public hatred of neoliberal reform, as shown in the mass strikes in 2023. Its fragility means there has been no attempt yet to designate a Prime Minister if there is a Left victory in the elections, which, in these days of over-personalized politics, is certainly a disadvantage.
Mainstream media and the political right are working overtime trying to smear the NFP and particularly the France Insoumise as extreme, violent and antisemitic. Mélenchon as the best-known orator and leader, is particularly under attack. In the most disgusting cynical manipulation this week, the rape by two thirteen-year-old boys of a twelve-year-old Jewish girl was the excuse for days of media “debates” about “the antisemitism of the radical Left”, while at one of the rallies called in response to this crime, extremist supporters of Israel chanted “Mélenchon should be in prison!”
Mélenchon is the target for attack from the right and from sections of the Socialist Party, and even from people further left who have not understood how smear campaigns work. Mélenchon represents not just opposition to genocide, Islamophobia, and neoliberalism: he represents a radical break with the status quo, demanding a constituent assembly, a new constitution with far less power for the president, a move to 100% organic farming, the end of nuclear power, and a rethink of the whole of society. Anti-capitalists need to defend him, at the same time as not hiding the many disagreements we have about the centrality of parliament, the role of French imperialism and so on.
The importance of elections
The election campaign and anti-fascist mobilization go hand in hand, and indeed the electoral alliance was made possible by pressure from below. Symbolically, last week, when the four organizations were negotiating for an alliance, hundreds of young people outside the building were chanting “The youth demands a popular front!”
We need to fight for everyone to vote Left, and for the widest possible mobilization. There were demonstrations in 200 towns against the RN on the 15th June led by trade unions, and there were many anti-fascist demonstrations on the 23rd June focussed around defending women’s rights. This in addition to picnics and dance parties, concerts, rambles, petitions and leaflettings by a great variety of organizations.
We need to go further. The vague calls for strike action against the far right last Thursday resulted in little strike action. It is an uphill struggle, but the campaign must be accelerated.
Many in the NPF understand that, as an invited trade union speaker declared at the NPF launch rally last week: “We must not give a blank cheque to a new popular front government. The capitalists will still be there. We will still need strikes and mobilization.” If things go badly in the elections, this will be only the beginning of a long struggle. And we need a national mass action campaign of harassment and education, in order to stop Le Pen building the party structures around the country which she sorely needs, but which remain weak for the moment.
We want Vacation Communism without apartheid
The Fusion Festival opens on Wednesday. After criticism, the organizers of this left-wing party have had to speak out against genocide
When the Fusion Festival starts next Wednesday, 70.000 people will gather at a former Soviet air force base two hours north of Berlin. I haven’t been for a few years (because, y’know), but I still love the place. Tickets are far cheaper than commercial festivals, but everyone had to participate in a lottery six months ago, as demand is so high for »vacation communism«.
Since 1997, the abandoned hangers have hosted music, dancing, and art – and since this is the Left, there has been no end of criticism. Too white, too hetero, and cultural appropriation. As nd reported last year, there was even a strike by festival workers. Some call the gathering in Lärz an apolitical, drug-fueled Soliparty for the subcultural Left. Fusion does try to be a political space, with lefty workshops, international guests, and even a stage known as Arab Underground.
In February, the organizers – known as Kulturkosmos or just the Central Committee – put out a newsletter dedicated entirely to the war in Gaza. They defined two “red lines” for anyone who wanted to party with them: There would be no “glorification of Hamas” and “we expect, with all solidarity for the Palestinian cause, Israel’s right to exist to be indisputable.” This is in line with the pro-Israel positions held by virtually all German institutions.
As international artists and intellectuals have been uninvited from events, Germany’s cultural scene is becoming increasingly isolated – was Fusion also getting sucked into this German bubble? Pro-Palestinian groups called for boycotts – and surprisingly, these were effective. Lots of Fusionistas come from abroad, after all.
In May, Kulturkosmos published a “follow up” to their previous statement, trying to free themselves “from our German perspective”: “Many missed a third red line, which names the war in Gaza as ‘genocide’ and the Israeli occupation policy as ‘apartheid’ with a clear demarcation against all those who support, negate or trivialise this. Here we have indeed demarcated one-sided.”
Fusion says it aims to create a “space in which Jews, Muslims, Palestinians and Israelis can feel as safe and welcome as possible.” This highlights the main contradiction of the German Zeitgeist: While politicians claim that their aim is “protecting Jews”, they have actually launched a totally unprecedented wave of censorship and repression against Jewish academics, artists, and activists, who are vastly overrepresented in the pro-Palestine movement.
The taz, a formerly left-wing newspaper, fears the Fusion Festival will be damaged by the “authoritarian tendencies of a new generation”. Indeed, as we’ve watched history’s first live-streamed genocide on social media, anti-imperialist sentiment has spread among the world’s youth, especially in the Anglophone countries. It’s not just young people, though: Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, as well as the Israeli human rights group B’Tselem, have all determined that Israel is practicing apartheid. The German state, with its history of multiple genocides, claims to know better than many others in the world – and a section of the German Left is aligning with their government.
This taz author wonders: “Can any other state’s right to exist be debated, except for the Jewish one?” Well. Leftists generally question the right of every capitalist state to exist. In the past, the taz itself has written in support of the armed struggle against the apartheid regime in South Africa or the dictatorship in El Salvador and questioned the “right to exist” of these states. They supported anti-colonial movements such as the ANC, which has always been pro-Palestinian, and collected over four million German marks in their Arms for El Salvador fundraising campaign.
Many older German former leftists are baffled by young people defending the same positions they held in their youth. “The propagandists in Moscow and Beijing, who have long been creating chaos with disinformation about the Gaza war, are patting themselves on the back”, writes the taz author. With this conspiratorial and nationalistic thinking he sounds like an AfD politician, griping about those crazy kids with their postcolonial studies and their TikTok.
German “Solidarity with Israel” is often just a liberal veneer for very traditional racism. Fusion looked like it was sliding in this direction – and with the help of some international comrades, pulled back from this German consensus. Good. If I didn’t have a small child, and I had a ticket, I would be there with my keffiyeh.
This is a mirror of Nathaniel’s red flag column for Neues Deutschland
“We have to make things uncomfortable for there to be change”
Interview with Irish artists Clare Gallagher and Mark Curran about refusing to exhibit in Germany
Hi there. Thanks for agreeing to talk to us. Could you start by briefly introducing yourselves?
MC: My name is Mark Curran, and I’m an activist, artist and educator. I’ve lived in Berlin for almost 21 years and also work in Ireland.
CG: I’m Clare Gallagher. I am a senior lecturer in Northern Ireland and I’m also an artist.
Could you say something about the exhibition in which you were supposed to exhibit?
MC: It is called Changing States and officially the largest group exhibition of contemporary photographic art from Ireland ever exhibited. It’s part of a year long Government of Ireland cultural program in Germany called Zeitgeist24. It was curated by the Photo Museum Ireland, IKS Düsseldorf and the Haus am Kleistpark in Berlin.
It is looking at ideas of identity, post-colonial history – how things have shifted economically, socially, and politically on the island of Ireland. It is a significant show of contemporary work.
CG: There were three themes – political landscapes, notions of home, and changing identities. It’s very hard to ignore Palestine, when themes like these were directly identified by the exhibition.
MC: When you grow up in Ireland, you’re aware of the anti-colonial, anti-imperialist struggle in Ireland, you’re aware of the struggles in South Africa and Palestine. 100 years ago, Britain said that Palestine was to be ‘a second Ireland’. The long legacy of the identification between the struggles has been implicit, if not explicit.
I’ve been involved around the issue of justice and liberation in Palestine for decades. And in Germany, you’re aware of the belligerent repression, criminalization, the sort of brutal violence used against anybody who shows support for Palestine. But since October there’s been a shift. It’s just come down like a hammer.
Witnessing that violence weekly, including again this past weekend, where we saw Palestinians, Jewish brothers and sisters getting arrested, as well as children and other activists who were peacefully demonstrating. It was clear for months that unless there was a ceasefire, there was no way we could contribute to an exhibition. It is important to note that Kate Nolan, one of the other artists involved and myself, had ongoing communication with Photo Museum Ireland for several months regarding the ongoing repressive situation.
Germany has a central role and complicity in the genocide in Gaza and the violence in the occupied West Bank. It’s the second largest supplier of weapons. The arguments about German Staatsräson made it clear that this was going to make it problematic. There are claims of freedom of speech without restriction. This is definitely not the case in Germany and does not apply equally.
CG: I’m from the North of Ireland, and I grew up during the Troubles with the really difficult legacy of colonialism. We felt very isolated in the North. We recognize some of those same struggles in other places around the world, like South Africa, or Palestine.
Through Palestine we see ourselves as part of something bigger than us and not just this problematic corner on the edge of Europe. So Palestine means a lot to us.
What you’re doing is part of the ‘Strike Germany’ initiative. Could you say a couple of things about Strike Germany?
MC: This is a call by cultural producers who have witnessed both the brutalizing of activists and the cancelling, silencing and repression of other cultural producers in Germany. In some cases, people are being cancelled just for calling a ceasefire, to stop killing children. Palestinian and Jewish brothers and sisters who have spoken out have and are being cancelled.
The call is an act of solidarity, to acknowledge this situation. Who gets to speak? Who gets to show? Who gets to express a position? And who doesn’t. This is deeply problematic, undemocratic, it’s repressive, and it’s racist.
CG: The first three of us who withdrew from the exhibition are academics. When we teach we’re talking about how to work ethically, and setting an example for people who have a bit less privilege because they’re earlier in their careers. It’s really important that we lead with this. There’s layers of significance in how we conduct ourselves.
There has been a huge devastation of education in Gaza. It shows in so many ways how we’re all connected, and that we can’t isolate ourselves and silence what we do for expediency or our careers. It’s so incredibly important to do this.
I’ve spoken about Strike Germany with some friends who are artists. They support the campaign and say that it’s great that international artists are boycotting Germany. At the same time, they live in Germany, they work here and exhibit here. Germany is their livelihood. What can German-based artists do without putting themselves out of business?
MC: I can appreciate and understand this but perhaps, there’s a need now to take a position. As Clare said, there’s also a need to acknowledge the younger and emerging artists who joined the boycott. For them there’s more of a potential cost. That’s incredibly brave. I won’t speak for them but imagine they have had to consider how it may affect relationships or possible future opportunities.
There’s also a moral imperative in terms of what we’re witnessing. There are 20,000 artists in Berlin, but when I go to the demonstrations every week, while some definitely are present, I wonder where most of those artists are. Where are the people who describe themselves as activists and radicals who are bound up in the struggle for Palestine?
People say “Oh, I wouldn’t have stood by in the 1930s. I would have stood up”. Well now, this is the moment. I’m constantly amazed and in some ways really disappointed when so many with privilege and legal status remain silent. At every protest, I see people that I know – who maybe don’t have full status in Germany, but show up every week while others with German and EU passports are nowhere to be seen.
We’re witnessing a genocide. So it’s hard not to judge them, but it’s really important to say that it’s never too late. Come to the protest next week. Show up. Use your privilege to use your body as a means to support, walk with and protect someone, who may have less legal privilege. Show solidarity.
CG: I would just add that we can feel quite isolated when we think about taking action. But when we start to make these actions of solidarity, it’s incredibly supportive. We feel that we’re part of something.
When each of us made a statement that we were withdrawing from the exhibition, we got a huge amount of messages of support. People recognised what we were doing. It’s really daunting to do, but it’s much, much better to be in that expression of solidarity.
MC: We discovered too that the institutions, who organised the exhibition reprinted the complete catalogue a week before the show opened. All the artists who withdrew from the show were removed, and there is no reference to the withdrawal.
This was the same week that the Republic of Ireland recognized the State of Palestine. It’s not obviously the same level, but the institutions in some ways are mimicking the strategy of silencing, of erasure by the German state. There has been little or no dialogue in a meaningful way. That saddens me.
CG: There was originally going to be a statement on the wall and in the catalogue addressing the fact that a number of artists had withdrawn. Then some backtracking happened. This was really sad for an exhibition which is about contested territories, the politics of home and place and Ireland being connected to places further afield from our isolated island.
It is really sad to have been so comprehensively removed from it, rather than to acknowledge that as artists, we’re part of that community, not that our voices shouldn’t be heard.
How would you react to the argument that if anyone needs art, and particularly political art, at the moment, it’s people in Germany, and that by striking you’re just giving over the artistic sphere to the right wing?
CG: I understand that argument. But that’s just feeding a status quo, which is very comfortable. And often we have to make things uncomfortable for there to be change. When we go on strike, we stand on picket lines and have difficult conversations with students about why we’re outside the university, and not inside the university teaching.
But it’s only through doing these difficult, uncomfortable things that we drive enough attention to the situation or provoke conversation about it, because otherwise it just ticks along.
MC: I hate to say this but it’s a white, liberal middle class response to ask why you can’t engage and that it’s more complex. But I think we’ve reached beyond that point. It’s about positioning, about making a statement. It’s a small statement to make, but critically, it is an act of solidarity.
How have other artists responded to you withdrawing from the exhibition?
MC: Most have been incredibly supportive and understanding the rationale. Some less so. There is resonance with what happened at the time of the struggle against Apartheid in South Africa. Can you change things from within by maintaining your presence? This was shown to be a completely failed strategy. There comes a point where you have to make that decision and take a position.
Are there plans for similar actions like withdrawal for exhibitions?
CG: I don’t know about Germany, but in Ireland and Britain there are campaigns around sponsorship for writing and music festivals which are sponsored by Barclays and others with links to the genocide. Their sponsorship of Latitude prompted a lot of musicians to leave. The Hay literary festival has changed their sponsorship because so many writers dropped out. People in the Arts are good at taking a stand, even at cost to themselves.
MC: Musicians are pulling out of particular festivals, like recently in Hamburg. I’ve also been trying to contact some writers who weren’t aware of Strike Germany. You can actively go out and try raise awareness of the campaign, including like with this interview, and also about the weekly violence we witness on the streets of Berlin. Just this weekend, I had an English friend who was aware of the situation through material I had shown him, but when he was in Schönhauser Allee, he was shocked at the level of police violence, provocation and intimidation that we witnessed.
We were walking beside this Jewish man, who was the first person we saw arrested by the police. For my friend, the world was turned upside down. In Germany they don’t seem to see the difference between Zionism and Judaism. Well, maybe they do, but it’s just constant that you’re walking with Jewish friends and they and you are being accused of being antisemitic.
Do you think there’s a specific way in which you can react artistically to Palestine? You’ve talked about going to demonstrations and withdrawing, which is important but feels a little negative. Is there a positive way in which artists can respond to what’s happening in Palestine?
CG: There’s artists’ groups like Artists Against Genocide which are really, really active. People are learning Palestinian embroidery, sharing skills. It’s all a way of constructing something in that absence in our own ad hoc way. This is immediate and often as artists we may work much more slowly, and with more reflection. This is a way of working which isn’t probably our typical way, but it is what we’re doing.
MC: The Irish Bloc Berlin, who I am involved with, are organising a Solidarity Céilí this weekend to fundraise for Gaza, where there will also be Palestinian artists. We use whatever little platform we may have to raise awareness, be there, and show support.
If I’m honest, I have lost friends, colleagues, artists who have unfollowed me on social media, as have museum directors, photo editors, gallerists etc., but I’ve made a whole new network of artists, activists and friends. It brings great clarity, which is equally important in terms of positioning. And that is also why, while it may seem negative, withdrawing from the show has also been empowering.
Hopefully, there’s going to be artists who will read this interview. Certainly, there’ll be people who consume Art. What can they do to support you or to join with you in increasing the artistic response?
MC: People have to make themselves aware, to educate themselves, you know, go read a book. We can give recommendations.
In terms of artists, they need to show up. We’re at a position where, as people say, Palestine is going to save us all. Clare mentioned already that it’s all connected. Step up, be present, be supportive, show solidarity. Showing up is an extension of one’s being, one’s ethic, one’s moral compass.
It’s also about the world, because we can’t normalise this. We must see what is legally happening both internationally and in Germany every day. Lawyers here have told me that the authorities are literally interpreting the law, sometimes daily and definitely in terms of protest. They’re the harbingers of the future. This is something you might think is way over there, but this is all about all of us, about here and now and recognising that is critical.
Anonymous donors and the AfD
AfD donors include property magnates, billionaires, and aristocrats. But what stakes do they have in the success of the far-right?
Private donors regularly shell out huge amounts of cash to support the growth of far-right parties, for a number of reasons. To understand a party’s true affiliations and aims, it is necessary to uncover its donors, and in the case of Germany’s AfD, this monetary trail leads deep into a world of luxury hotels, billionaires, aristocrats, and ultimately, layers of financial and political corruption.
The most notorious AfD funding scandal was the 2018 ‘Spendenaffäre’. German-Swiss billionaire Henning Conle – who owns a significant amount of real estate in London, including high-end department store Liberty’s – was found to have anonymously donated €132,000to the election campaign of current party leader Alice Weidel. He did this via a small Swiss firm, something illegal under German law, as donors must declare their identity for any amount exceeding €500. The party was fined over €500,000 for this, and was forced to return the donation.
Conle is notoriously low-profile, despite his extensive property empire and involvement with numerous businesses, so why donate to the AfD? It stands to reason that billionaires and investors would support far-right parties, from a purely pragmatic standpoint. The AfD are staunchly supportive of free market economics and tax cuts, as well as being critical of state intervention and financial regulation. It’s typical populist hypocrisy; claiming to be anti-elite, and fighting for the average citizen, whilst fostering an economy that is conducive to corruption for the benefit of the ultra-wealthy.
Henning Conle has also been linked to the British Tory party, demonstrating that the links between right-wing parties on an international scale are rarely overt or official, but rather weaved together through donors, investors, and the flow of money. A company registered under his name donated £50,000 to the Carlton Club; a members club in St James’s that was the founded as the home of the Conservatives, and continues to make large donations to the party. When it comes to dark money, it seems all roads lead to London – largely considered the money laundering capital of Europe.
There are allegations that Conle was donating on behalf of Russian investors (though his representatives have denied this), something that wouldn’t be far-fetched, given the AfD’s well-documented ties to Russia. Former AfD spokesperson Frauke Petry was criticised for attending meetings in Moscow with politicians close to Vladimir Putin, as well as Russian ‘ultra-nationalists’, and there has been significant concern regarding Kremlin interference in German elections.
The AfD’s criticism of German military funding for Ukraine is reason enough for Russian politicians to have a vested interest in their success. But their ties go deeper; their rejection of EU sanctions placed on Russia following the 2022 invasion would be hugely beneficial for businesses looking to export to German and European markets. There is also the idea of shared values between Putin’s vision for Russia, and the AfD’s for Germany; traditional families, strict immigration policies, staunch nationalism. Yet, how much weight do ‘values’ actually hold when it comes to geopolitics? Money is a far more powerful force.
Another rumoured donor to the AfD was billionaire August von Finck Jr, who was known to have supported far-right and libertarian parties for decades. In fact, the von Finck family has a long history of far-right involvement; his grandfather, August von Finck Sr, was an infamous banker during the Nazi era, and worked closely with Hitler.
Von Finck Jr indirectly funded the AfD-affiliated political newspaper “Deutschland Kurier”, and was involved with a gold trading enterprise, whose profits were used to help found the AfD back in 2013. He also reportedly donated around a million euros to the conservative ‘Bürgerkonvent’ project, which was run by current-AfD politician Beatrix von Storch, before it was disbanded in 2015. (Incidentally, von Storch was also from a notorious German aristocratic family; the House of Oldenburg, from which the UK’s King Charles III is descended.)
The threads connecting politicians, investors and aristocrats across Europe is enough to make anyone sound like a conspiracy theorist. Investigations to expose secret donors and corruption are more vital than ever, especially now that there is so much at stake. The far-right’s significant gains across Europe in June’s EU elections mean there is an increasing amount of influence on the market for those who can afford it, and for those with the means to cover their tracks.
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