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Unity is required to beat the Fascists

The rise of Le Pen is not inevitable. We can stop them with radical action by the whole of the Left


11/06/2024

Socialists in France should call for strikes and occupations after the fascist victory in the 9th June European election. But we should also welcome the decision by the four main left-wing parties – including the Labour-type Socialist Party – not to split the left vote in the 30th June general election. 

On the far right, discussions are taking place between Marine Le Pen’s fascist National Rally (RN) and the smaller Reconquest party of her niece Marion Maréchal. Now a leading MP of the traditional right-wing Les Républicains has called for an electoral alliance with the RN. 

We need the biggest possible block of MPs to give a voice to left voters and anti-racists. 

Many workers and people in hard-hit small towns in rural areas voted for Le Pen’s National Rally. But in some working-class and multiracial suburbs Mélenchon’s France Insoumise (LFI) movement did extremely well. Their MPs have a high profile in opposing Israeli genocide and a young Palestinian woman has been elected as an LFI Euro MP. 

Trade union leaders and progressive movements such as Attac and the Ligue des Droits de l’Homme played a crucial rôle in forcing parliamentary leaders to agree in time for Macron’s snap election, as did pressure from voters and party activists. 

Other groups have been invited to join the “New Popular Front”, in a reference to the 1930s electoral pact between Socialists and Communists. After introducing some reforms, the Popular Front government ultimately failed. But it showed the potential of mass action from below and unity between the Socialist and Communist rank-and-file, especially in the struggle against fascism. 

Right-wing Socialists have condemned the agreement, preferring to support Macron’s party against the fascist Rassemblement National, while some sectarian groups counter the call for a left vote with the abstract slogan of a general strike (they are a small minority). 

We need local meetings to organise the campaign, mass canvassing and leafletting, and rallies against the fascists in every town and city. Pro-Palestine and antiracist activists should get involved to make sure their voice is heard. 

500 Thousand Crimes Against Humanity

It’s difficult to argue with a living writer, but much easier with a dead one.

At the beginning of the war between Russia and Ukraine, I told my mother that if she died because of the shelling, I would take revenge. I was leaving Kyiv, and persuaded her to go with me. My mom said that if she dies, rather than devote my life to revenge I should continue living in memory of her. Through these words I felt her love for me. The words of the government – “go and die for me” – make me feel nothing but in danger.

The famous writer Leo Tolstoy considered war a manifestation of human stupidity and selfishness. But if this is so, then how can war produce heroes? Laziness does not breed productivity. Then why does war, being stupid and selfish, become proof of heroism?

Tolstoy also wrote that war prevents a person from achieving true progress and prosperity. But he died more than a century ago. Both the First and Second World Wars happened after his death. After his death, too,  the European Union came to be. After his death, the Soviet Union was formed and collapsed. In a post-Soviet space, Leo Tolstoy’s portrait  is required furnishing in school literature classrooms. Once an idol of intellectuals, he turned into thousands of identical old-fashioned portraits hanging in identical classrooms in identical post-Soviet schools.

The lesson sounds easy: if you want to kill something, make it holy. Today Leo Tolstoy is more synonymous of boredom than he is an idol. Anyway, he wrote a lot of wonderful things. And that’s it, this life hack works flawlessly: if you want to kill it, make it holy. For some reason it didn’t work with the war. Not with this one. 

No matter how war is portrayed in the news or art, even now there are those who go to war voluntarily and talk about it as an act of heroism. But in Ukraine, the volunteers ran out after the first few months, everyone else has been forced to go to war for 2 years now, although the media say we have democracy and free will.

Classics do not become obsolete; the creators certainly do. Therefore, it is easy to reassess values when the one who inspired them has been reduced to a stupid portrait. Therefore, it was easy for my generation to forget that war is a manifestation of stupidity and selfishness, and it was also easy to say out loud the following before 2022: “We are unhappy because not a single great historical event has befallen our lives.”

Why did the rise of cinema lead us to films without ideas? Why is great literature a thing of the past? Why do poets’ performances take place in cramped cafes, and not in stadiums, as it used to be in 60s? We knew the answer. The absence of a great historical event is what made our reality contemptuously flat. But we needed this event, merciless in its grandeur. We missed the Great Depression. Missed a war. A new dictator. Protracted political conflict. We dreamed of doing something heroic, knowing it also required a big evil.

The scale of a person is determined by the scale of his problems, and the same is true for a generation. Well, we got our war. But we quickly had to realize that war does not need culture. War nullifies everything, makes it meaningless. Culture is created not because of war, but in spite of it. We realized this too late. And yet, it is more pleasant to read about even the naivest love than about a young man’s eyelids burned out as a result of a bomb explosion on the battlefield.

Yes, we’ve been dreaming about a big historical villain for a long time. As big as the biggest rainy cloud or KFC’s advertising budget. After all, only a cloud or an infinitely huge number could embody our valor. 

We dreamed of becoming heroes for so long without becoming them that we were simply tired of dreaming about it. We got fed up and locked ourselves in offices. Allowed our posture to become distorted. We began to communicate with doctors more often than with relatives. And then the villain appeared. It burst into our homes through crime scene reports, when the first bombs exploded loudly in Kyiv and Kharkiv. Then, it turned out, our problem was with ourselves, and not in the absence of an enemy.

The problem was that we believed that economic freedom was the basis of other freedoms. It’s as if human rights will automatically grow on us like an additional layer of warm clothing the moment we have money. But this did not happen. Oil prices have increased. Money appeared in Russia, but not rights. In Ukraine there were neither rights nor money. Although I damn well want to believe that life was good before the war. And this is what propaganda claims today, but this is just one of its levers.

We are used to talking about Russian propaganda, but we don’t like to talk about Ukrainian one. If Russian propaganda is aimed at making Ukrainians a target, then Ukrainian propaganda is aimed at forcing this target to voluntarily or forced-voluntarily enter the battlefield. But what should I do if I don’t want to be a target? Or a sniper. I don’t want to kill anyone at all. Why am I denied this right? Facing this choice is tantamount to exposing your chest to a bullet.

I can’t imagine how Jean-Paul Sartre wrote philosophical works while being a prisoner of war during WWII, because I see that war tends to simplify reality, and suppresses any analysis of it other than the official one. During a war, the ruling political party becomes the maximum personification of the country. To some extent, a political party becomes a country, and one of the goals of propaganda is to make you realize that a person who disagrees with a political party does not agree with the entire country, which means that such person is a traitor.

From the first day of the war, men were forbidden to leave Ukraine. Soon new restrictions were enacted. For example, a man in Ukraine cannot sell an apartment or obtain a driver’s license without notifying the military registration office. If a man voluntarily goes there, he will not return. If a man visits a hospital, the doctor is obliged to inform the military registration office about this. If you disagree, you are a traitor, so it is better to remain silent.

Employers must declare their male workers to the military registration office. Police and representatives of the military registration office catch men near the metro and at public transport stops. I have to run away. Hide. Ask girls to bring me some food. Girls are threatened only by missiles, but guys are threatened by missiles and Ukrainian police, as well as patriots and old people whose boys have already died, but you dared not to. Nah, you can’t trust anyone. Is this the great historical event that we so lacked before culture could become great again?

While democratic countries are collecting money and weapons for Ukraine, Ukraine is destroying its own democracy. Human rights are on hold. Paused! Damn. What are these rights worth if they can be paused so easily? Everyone suddenly owes their life to their homeland. But what did I do that caused me to have such a large debt? Be born there? Just this? But I didn’t choose where to be born. Does this have anything to do with racism? Gender discrimination? My state had to protect me with a private army, but in the end I myself need to defend myself from my own state. And no one can do anything. Everybody just watching. So funny. 

One human rights is to seek asylum in another country if a person is in danger in his own. But the borders are closed. To leave Ukraine, a man needs to pay about 10 thousand dollars. And as usual, we all pretend that we don’t know anything about this “exit tax”.

In order for peace to come, it is necessary to fight not only the aggressor, but also the image of war. Our cinema, our poetry and literature are completely stuffed with the idealization of military operations. War does not create heroes; it maims and kills. It is necessary to show how senseless and cruel the war is, so that a person does not even think about joining the army. 

To hell with the medals. To hell with heroism. All this is not worth human life. The current war is not about people, but about borders. The cities will be rebuilt, but the people will never be brought back to life. So, it turns out that a great historical event does not create, it kills. Those who could have become great writers or directors – turned into silent corpses with burnt eyelids.

In 2024, 500 thousand men will be mobilized in Ukraine. 500 thousand crimes against humanity will merge into the word “war” and will be justified by it. At best, they will turn into a monument, at worst, they will be forgotten. Recently I saw a video of a guy with amputated legs asking for money for prosthetics. He has given more for the state than he could afford to give.

Have you ever kissed a burn? Have you seen eyelids that, when closed, cannot completely cover the eye? Leo Tolstoy considered war a manifestation of human stupidity and selfishness. Ask a guy with burnt eyelids what he thinks about that.

Remember, if you want to kill something, make it holy. 

Put it to a frame. 

Hang it on the walls of classrooms.

Keep it this way and you’ll see how the idol turns into the personification of boredom.

What did he write about war? Don’t you remember, ha? 

One year ago, on May 18, 2023, the Leo Tolstoy station in the Kyiv metro was renamed the Square of Ukrainian Heroes.

 

This piece is a part of  a series, The Mining Boy Notes, published on Mondays and authored by Ilya Kharkow, a writer from Ukraine. For more information about Ilya, see his website. You can support his work by buying him a coffee.

Recognition of Palestine: Germany supports the right wing Israeli government’s prevention tactics

Interview with Nimrod Flaschenberg from Israelis für Frieden


10/06/2024

Recently Norway, Spain, Ireland and Slovenia recognized Palestine as a state. What do you think of the decision?

The recognition of the State of Palestine by 4 EU member states was a courageous and important decision that should lead to a wave of recognition by other Western countries. Considering Israel’s endless war of destruction in Gaza following the October 7th attack, the Palestinian issue has returned to the center of international politics. While there is a global consensus regarding the need for the establishment of a Palestinian state, in practice the Western powers are backing Israel’s rejectionist position. They are, in effect, aiding Israel in preventing a process that will lead to true Palestinian independence and statehood.

Recognition by European countries, alongside the cases promoted against Israel and Israeli officials in the ICJ and ICC, might indicate a fracture in the impunity Israel has enjoyed by rich countries. It is yet to be determined if this is indeed a watershed moment, but there is a chance for a diplomatic avalanche that will isolate Israel’s far-right government.

Recognition is not a new practice. Most countries in the world and a vast majority of the Global South already recognized a Palestinian state. The current resistance to Palestine’s full membership in the UN comes from Western powers who have an ideological as well as a geostrategic interest in upholding a firm alliance with Israel. From this global perspective, it is not surprising that countries from Europe’s “political periphery” are the ones who promoted this significant act of recognition.

Israel reacted indignantly and angrily to the decision and even refused to allow Spain to open its embassy to people in Palestine. Why is the Israeli government so angry?

In recent years, and even more so since October 7th, Israeli public diplomacy, or Hasbara, has been radicalizing its messages constantly. According to Israel’s official line, every act that refers to Palestinians as equal human beings, let alone as deserving political rights, is deemed either terroristic or antisemitic, or both – even when it is based on non-violent practices such as diplomacy. The treatment of recognition is no different. Israel’s leading line states that recognition is a prize for terrorism after the October 7th attack. This reaction highlights the Israeli tunnel-vision focus on the events of October 7th as a frozen moment in time. Israeli politicians and the Israeli media constantly repeat and retell the goriest details of that awful day while generally ignoring the carnage Israel has since committed in Gaza. Therefore, Hasbara falsely positions recognition in the context of Hamas’s attack and not in that of the Palestinian catastrophe experienced since, nor as an obvious answer to 57 years of brutal military occupation and 76 years of dispossession and displacement.

But the Israeli rage does indicate a substantive risk. If recognition gains momentum, it will endanger Israel’s foreign policy strategy. If only small or medium level international actors recognize Palestine, this recognition does have political significance but not an overwhelming one. But if one of the permanent members of the security council – U.K., U.S., or France (Russia and China have already recognized) – or if Germany, the strongest country in the EU, recognizes – this will bring about significant isolation and possibly further legal action against Israel. Israel’s aggressive response to the recognition should be seen as an attempt to deter these powerful countries – all of them major Israel backers, from following the example of Spain, Ireland, Slovenia, and Norway.

Germany and the USA refuse to recognize until Israel and Palestine reach a settlement. Given the Israeli government’s position, this means that it will be pushed back forever. Are both states not interested in an independent Palestine? Or how can their position be explained?

Both Germany and the U.S. are supposedly backers of the Two State Solution. But in practice, they are the two strongest backers of an Israeli government that is led by fascists and whose paramount aim is to prevent a Palestinian state. The cold facts are that Germany and the U.S. are supporting an Israeli government that commits ethnic cleansing, starvation, and war crimes with the stated objective of preventing Palestinian self-determination.

The argument promoted by Germany and the U.S. against recognition is that a peaceful resolution could only be reached through negotiations. This is true – negotiation must take place at a certain point. What is also true is that Israel has been refusing any negotiations for a decade. In the light of this, and to eventually reach Israeli-Palestinian negotiations for a peaceful settlement, powers that are genuinely in favor of Palestinian independence must set up an uncompromising political line that the Palestinian right to self-determination in the Palestinian territories occupied in 1967 is unnegotiable. Recognition before negotiations will not harm the chance for negotiations. It will only set minimal terms for those negotiations into which Israel will eventually be pressured.

But we also need to look at the American and German positions in a structural frame. The hypocrisy of refusing to recognize Palestine and the unconditional support for Israel is rooted in imperialist and capitalist interests. There is a solid ideological foundation for the support for Israel in both the US and Germany – the “common values” rhetoric in the U.S. and the Staasträson formulation of the German political elites. This is the center of heated conversation in both countries. But just as important are profit-seeking and geostrategic interests – be it in arms sales to Israel, in reliance on the Israeli cyber industry, in Israel’s position as a Western “aircraft carrier” for the Atlantic powers in the center of the volatile and energy-rich Middle East, or in Israel’s role in policing the region as a counterweight to Iran. For all these less-discussed reasons also – German and American leaders are tolerating Israel’s crimes.

These interests could be challenged through political action. The movement in solidarity with Palestine and against the war is making significant gains despite wide repression. Suppose this movement adds to its mainly negative demands a positive call for Palestinian statehood and recognition. In that case, there is a real possibility that one of the major powers will make the truly transformative act of recognizing.

It should be stated that out of the four powers I mentioned before—the U.S., U.K., Germany, and France—the best chances for recognition are in France and perhaps in the U.K. after Labour’s expected election victory in July. But pushing for recognition should also be incorporated into the movement in the U.S. and Germany since “a domino effect” of recognition that will transform the Security Council or the European Union, is definitely possible.

Many in the global solidarity movement with Palestine think that the demand for recognition is part of a two-state illusion. They support the solution of one democratic state. Do these demands stand in contradiction?

It is essential to distinguish between the recognition of a Palestinian state and the “two state solution,” which has almost become an empty mantra repeated by global leaders who are not promoting it. I am personally in favor of the two state solution, while other members of “Israelis for Peace” support different solutions. Yet we agree that the demand for recognition of a Palestinian state is relevant to the promotion of all peaceful solutions – two states, confederation, or one democratic state. It is, first and foremost, a question of political tactics and reachable goals in the struggle between the forces of peace and those of forever war.

The most broadly shared assertion about Israel/Palestine globally is that the Palestinians have a right to self-determination and that the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza is disenfranchising them of this right. It follows that this Israeli occupation is illegitimate. These shared assertions mean that the demand for Palestinian statehood is the diplomatic low-hanging fruit and the tactically unifying demand in a drive for peace.

Human rights groups describe the Israeli structures as apartheid. This system will not give Palestinians rights without a collective political struggle by the Palestinians themselves, with the diplomatic and political support of the international community. This struggle might end in different ways, but the consolidation of diplomatic power must be centered around an overwhelming agreement that Palestinians deserve a state.

The primary way to challenge and isolate the extreme-right powers in Israel is to deem unacceptable their ideological belief that only Jews have national rights in the land. We must hit them where it matters the most, in what they fear the most – and that is a Palestinian state. It is time to shift the focus from the two state solution to the imminent demand of Palestinian statehood. We’ll see what happens next.

How do the recognitions of Palestine change the balance of power?

While it is a significant step forward, we need to remember that power still resides on the side of Israel. The most obvious example is Netanyahu’s invitation to speak in front of both houses of Congress in Washington, DC. This man, a war criminal who might soon be unable to travel to Europe for fear of being arrested, is honored in the center of global power. This invitation not only reminds us where power lies but is an act of active discrediting and destruction of the entire edifice of international law – by the U.S. and Israel. 

The confrontation between Israel and international law can and should be where Germany differentiates itself from the US and says clearly – we stand with international law. The Federal Republic needs to say that the heritage of Nuremberg, as prosecutor Karim Khan described the ethical weight of the ICC, is at least as important for it as the Staatsräson, a pre-democratic concept. This discussion – on the fundamental values that Germany holds dear, on the centrality of universal rights to German post-war political ethos – is what the question of recognition can bring to the German discourse.

An extended version of this interview first appeared in German in the website Die Freiheitsliebe

Tall tales of the UK NHS: “spare capacity” and private health care sector “straining to help”

The private sector health sector remains small and its activities opaque


09/06/2024

Shadow Health Secretary Wes Streeting has no doubt that greater investment in the private sector by utilising its ‘spare capacity’ will  help ever lengthening NHS waiting lists. He presents this policy as a progressive measure to help working people. The argument is that any who oppose such a plan simply wish for ideological reasons – to deny poor people access to the private health care that they themselves enjoy.  Streeting enthusiastically repeats Nigel Lawson’s derogatory characterisation of the NHS as a ‘religion’, implying that ‘liberals’ view it as beyond criticism and it defies rational understanding. 

The total number of NHS hospital beds in England has more than halved over the past 30 years, from around 299,000 in 1987/88 to 141,000 in 2019/20. However, the private sector remains much smaller with 8,900 beds, and relies almost entirely on senior doctors who already work for the NHS. Claims of “spare capacity” in the private care sector are common and made to appear as self-evidently true. But as one private health care website puts it: ‘facts and figures about the private health sector in the UK are surprisingly hard to come by’. 

A recent article in the British Medical Journal (BMJ) called for private providers to be required to report the same data as NHS hospitals. We just do not have the information (on private sector workforce, hospital capacity, outpatient services, and prices required) to understand the effects of boosting private sector activity on the healthcare workforce, demand for services, and healthcare quality. The paper argued that this information is crucial to policy making because the NHS and the private sector both fish in the same limited pool for health care staff. If you expand work and staff in one, the other will suffer. 

NHS-funded work in the private sector continues to increase. Almost 10% of elective procedures such as hip and knee operations were outsourced to the private sector in 2023, up 50% from pre-covid levels. Staffing problems and pressure to reduce the 7.6 million care backlog increasingly force health service trusts to send patients on their waiting lists to private providers. To put this in another way, government failure to invest in NHS staff and facilities drives the growth of the private sector

Why policy makers should be cautious

Recent experiences of using the private sector to ‘help’ the NHS should make any rational policy maker cautious.  For example, during Covid there was the disastrous privatised ‘Test and Trace’ system; the unusable PPE scandal; and the contract with private hospitals for providing additional capacity. However the contract meant the private sector portion of patients from the NHS, actually went down by 43%, while numbers of fee-paying private patients increased. Moreover no more than one private hospital bed was occupied by a Covid infected patient during 59% of the contract. All these examples underline that by their nature private providers in general are profit maximisers rather than ‘helpers’ or cost minimisers for the NHS. 

Demand for private health care other than from the NHS is far from booming, despite the industry statements. Even the numbers of NHS consultants engaging in some private practice has fallen, going from 16,000 in 2000 to 9000 in 2023. No wonder the sector is keen to offer ‘help’ to the NHS in return for a guaranteed income. It is no surprise to see a Conservative prime minister reflexively turning to the private sector for an NHS recovery plan. But when Labour does the same it suggests heavy lobbying and a failure to critically examine evidence. Other possible explanations are incompetence, or an ideological aversion to the NHS.

What does ‘spare capacity’ actually mean?

The bosses and cheerleaders for the private sector usually like to present it as “lean and efficient” in contrast to the “plodding and wasteful” public sector NHS. We are expected to believe that the private sector has ‘spare capacity’ with staff sitting twiddling thumbs in empty facilities, just waiting to be called upon. If this is true, this waste of resources tells us that the private sector is not such a well-run business model after all. What ‘spare capacity’ really means is that when guaranteed an income stream by the NHS, the private sector can rapidly increase capacity for certain health conditions deemed profitable. Some suggest increased use of private providers is temporary until waiting lists fall. But it seems unlikely that such contracts would be commercially attractive and probable that the NHS would find itself locked in for a longer period.

This played out in ophthalmology, where the majority of cataract surgery is now performed in the private sector and paid for by the NHS. Waiting lists may have been brought down but at the same time the outsourcing has undermined NHS services. Cataracts are the bread and butter for eye surgeons in training, but are now done in private clinics . They are no longer available for junior surgeons to learn their craft. Nurses attracted by better pay leave the NHS. Consultant surgeons and anaesthetists who would have been working in the NHS now opt to work some of their time in better paid private clinics. These also weed out complex (and costly) cases and leave these to the NHS. 

‘Supplier induced demand’ undermines NHS services

The threshold for offering an operation has been reduced. Hence the numbers of operations has risen (termed ‘supplier induced demand’). Since the NHS now pays for this increased volume of cataract operations, it then has less money left to deal with complex conditions. Such as those causing blindness (e.g. glaucoma, macular degeneration, retinopathy) which the private sector rejects. Since the vast majority of consultants engaging in private work are almost always employed by the NHS, they must adapt their NHS work plans but always adapt their work plans to make time to work in the private sector where they are employed on a freelance basis. They inevitably spend less time in the NHS. Team work and training are undermined.

The Centre for Health and the Public Interest (CHPI) found that the percentage of NHS cataracts delivered by the private sector increased from 24% in 2018/19 to 55% in 2022/23. The proportion of the total NHS budget for ophthalmology spent on cataract services has increased from 27% to 36% while 78 new private for-profit clinics have been opened over the past five years. Over this time, surgery for ‘complex cataracts’ has increased by 144%, by the NHS. This increase is almost all in the for-profit-sector – despite its’ policy of screening out complex patients and leaving these to the NHS. This means that simple cases are being wrongly reported as complex in order to charge more to the NHS. There is some worrying but predictable evidence that waiting times for assessment of conditions causing preventable sight loss have increased.

What do the experts think?

A Health Foundation report pointed out that it is relatively easy for the private sector to scale up provision for simple high volume procedures like cataract surgery, but less so for other procedures such as in orthopaedics. For example, for hip replacements, an increased number were carried out in private hospitals – as the number declined in NHS. That left total numbers unchanged, but much more cash flowed out of the NHS into private pockets. The Health Foundation report concluded that the private sector would play only a limited role in fully recovering services and cannot substitute for addressing the major problems facing the NHS. The King’s Fund examined strategies used in the past for successfully reducing waiting lists for non-urgent care, and concluded that increasing funding and NHS workforce capacity both played a key role. 

The Nuffield Trust observed that more spending on the private sector meant more competition for consultant time and outsourced services like imaging. This made it harder to expand care paid for by the health service. Private services do not have emergency and intensive care services and are located in wealthier areas. This favours white and more affluent patients and is less likely to be able to provide care to sicker people in poorer areas.

The NHS Confederation represents health service managers, and stated that the private sector does not have the capabilities, workforce or capital to take on the more complex and urgent cases left to the NHS. Many trust bosses (NHS Providers) are sceptical about private providers, pointing out that access is not uniform across the country and emphasising the potential to increase health inequalities.

Dismissing objections to use of the private sector as simply ideological is disingenuous

David Rowland, Director of CHPI, highlighted the concerns about Streeting’s plans in an opinion piece in the Guardian. Nearly all the doctors working in the private sector do it on a part time basis and work for the NHS the rest of the time. The main blockage on clearing the NHS backlog is not a lack of operating theatres but a lack of consultant surgeon and anaesthetist time. There is only one pool of such healthcare professionals in the UK. Unless that pool expands significantly and quickly, pushing patients into the private sector will have little impact on the overall waiting list. 

Real risks for patient safety

Pushing patients to the private sector will however, expose patients to greater risk. This has been shown in many reports and inquiries including a recent Panorama programme focusing on deaths. These risks are because  private hospitals are small, lack intensive care facilities, and have poor medical cover at night. 

In reality, it is the NHS that ‘helps’ private hospitals, by providing trained staff. Training costs borne by the NHS are estimated at around £8 billion. In addition, there are also around 6,600 patients that have to be transferred to NHS facilities from the private sector each year at an estimated cost of £80 million. Despite the scandal surrounding the breast surgeon Ian Paterson needlessly operating privately on women, neither the Government nor the private sector have implemented the recommendations of the subsequent inquiry. Currently the NHS is treated as a ‘safety net’ by the private sector, and left to pick up the pieces and the costs when private treatment fails or if private providers carrying out NHS work collapse.

Conclusions

The long-term problems facing the NHS are the lack of capacity from chronic understaffing and underfunding to balance current demand. No amount of ‘reform’ will solve these issues without significant investment. This was was demonstrated under the Blair-Brown government. Previous experiments by Labour in using the private sector through Independent Sector Treatment Centres increased costs while undermining NHS services and contributing little in the way of greater capacity. 

The key flaw in Labour’s plans to use ‘spare capacity’ is that the private sector depends on staff who already work in the NHS. If they spend more time working for private providers, they spend less time in the NHS. The impact on waiting lists of ‘holding the door open’ for the private sector is marginal at best. But increasing reliance on the private sector will undoubtedly undermine NHS services as has been clearly demonstrated recently in ophthalmology. Given the distribution of private facilities, such a policy will increase health inequity with white and better off patients being the most likely beneficiaries, while exposing some patients to increased risk. 

Growth of the private sector is not simply due to market forces. It is the product of government policy over the past two decades.  Any government can, if they choose, reverse this trend by sustained investment in the NHS and removing subsidies which promote the growth of for-profit care in the UK.  Labour must have a radical re-think of its policies. Alternatively it must share the evidence for its’ claims that investing in the private sector helps the NHS.

The current situation is sufficiently serious for the next government to declare a national health emergency. Then, a policy option to seriously consider would be to requisition any real spare capacity in private health care facilities and use it for the benefit of patients. Much better is for Labour to commit to investing in rebuilding a strong NHS based on its founding principles.

As European elections are held

Macron and Le Pen – not a duel: more like a duet!


08/06/2024

European elections are going ahead on 9th June and shedding a sharp light on political crisis in France. The far right National Rally (formerly the National Front) is leading in the polls. Macron is claiming his candidates are the only alternative to the far right, while the radical Left France Insoumise (France in Revolt) is hoping the Palestine issue will mobilize many of those who usually stay at home.

Because most people have the feeling- not unjustifiably-  that the European parliament has little power,  European elections tend to be more based on general national politics than on specifically EU issues. The elections work by proportional representation, but any party with less than 5% of the votes gets no seats. These are the first significant elections since Macron won a second term as president but lost his absolute majority in the parliament (in 2022). They are also the first elections since the historic explosion of creative class struggle in 2023, in opposition to the raising of the retirement age, a movement which despite its dynamism and huge popularity went down to defeat as national union leaders refused to organize a general strike.

At the last European elections in 2019, there were 47 million people registered to vote. Twenty four million stayed home. Five million voted for the fascists, five million for Macron and his allies, 2 million for other right wingers, 3 million for the ecologists, one and a half million for the radical left France Insoumise, one and a half million for the  Socialist Party and its allies, and  a million ballot papers were spoiled.

Polls now suggest that the far right could get well over seven million votes this time, if abstention rates do not change. National Rally is running at over 30% in the polls. Macron’s list is around 16%. The alliance around the Socialist Party is around 13%, and the France Insoumise is around 9%, but hoping for a last minute spurt by motivating those who generally stay home. The traditional right wing Republicans are estimated at 7%. The Communist Party is around 3%, the ecologists around 6%. Another fascist group, Reconquest, led by Eric Zemmour, and openly to the right of Le Pen, is on 5%.

The left campaign 

On the left, the Socialist Party is slowly trying to rebuild from its historic collapse due to its time in government organizing neoliberal attacks on workers. In 2022, it was down to under 2% of votes in the presidential elections. Present polling gives its joint list with smaller social liberal groups 13% in next Sunday’s vote. The lesson for us is no doubt that Blairite politics can always bounce back, particularly if mass social movements do not bring clear victories. Its vision of society is strongly supported by the mainstream media, and voters are tempted to be satisfied with a slower, less harsh version of the dictatorship of the market, rather than any real alternative.

By far the most valuable left campaign is that led by Manon Aubry of  the France Insoumise,  radical left reformers calling for “a citizens’ revolution”. A dynamic campaign of door to door canvassing around the country (not a habitual part of French electoral politics) has involved many new activists. Successful mass meetings have often needed to open overflow halls, as was the case in the multiethnic working class suburb, Garges les Gonesse, last week. Candidates are touring the universities, while regular education weekends are training a new generation of political leaders. The FI campaign slogan is “the strength to change everything”, and key proposals are a rise in the minimum wage, a return to retirement at 60, a price freeze on basic foodstuffs and other necessities, and a ban on arms sales to Israel.

Most importantly, the FI leadership (with whom Marxists like myself have plenty of disagreements), has held firm on key questions in the last year or so and is on a sharply radical path. When young people rioted in dozens of towns after a racist police murder last year, Mélenchon, principal leader of the FI, declared, “We have been told to appeal for calm. We appeal for justice!”. Secondly, despite tremendous pressure, with meetings banned and leading members sued, the organization has held to a clear position of support for Palestine and has refused to dismiss attacks on Israel organized by Hamas as “terrorism”.  Two FI MPs waved Palestinian flags in the parliament in the last couple of weeks and were suspended for it, while one FI candidate for the present elections, Rima Hassan (who was born in a Palestinian refugee camp), is being officially investigated for “supporting terrorism” and is attacked in the media for “antisemitism” since she has dared to denounce genocide in so many words. Finally, the FI has maintained a principled anticolonialist position on the present crisis in New Caledonia.

Le Pen

The far right National Rally, Marine Le Pen’s party, is hoping to build around a racist idea of defending French values against  the supposed danger of immigrants and Muslims. Just recently, Le Pen said that the Muslim headscarf should be banned in all public places. Nevertheless, in the last few years the National Rally, now presided over by young well-dressed fascist, Jordan Bardella, has been very successful in persuading most people that it is just a political party like any others. To portray this image, Marine Le Pen’s father, Jean-Marie, was thrown out of the organization, and the 82 MPs the RN has are, in general, tremendously careful to avoid controversy (while attending every car boot sale in town, shaking hands and trying to look normal). Recently the RN, pretending to be shocked, broke most of its links with the AfD party in Germany, after one of its leaders made positive comments about the SS.

The RN is claiming to defend the ordinary people of France, despite having voted against raising the national minimum wage in 2022 and against a rent freeze in 2023. Its elected representatives have voted against easier access to abortion (2015) and against increasing resources to help victims of domestic violence (2016). They have voted against many green regulations and against reinforcing business responsibility to avoid environmental damage (2021). Its MPs have supported most of Macron’s neoliberal reforms. The RN campaigns in favour of nuclear energy and against wind power. It promises to slash inheritance taxes for the rich and reserve social housing for people of French nationality. It aims at increasing prison sentences and making it even harder to prosecute killer cops.

A duet

The rise of the RN has been crucially helped by Macron repeatedly supporting its vision by passing Islamophobic laws, banning Muslim legal defense organizations, as well as by supporting vicious police repression. Macron’s ministers, screaming about universities being “controlled by Islamo-leftists”, and Macron’s trigger -happy cops killing young Arab men are just what the fascists need to build their influence further.

These days, endless government training courses for civil servants on “defending secularism” aim at making mistrusting all Muslims a national sport, and they mostly help the far right. Macron further pushed Marine Le Pen into centre stage last week by agreeing to a one-on-one TV debate between his Prime Minister, Gabriel Attal and RN leader Jordan Bardella, thus pushing the idea that the left doesn’t matter, it’s just Macron’s band against the extremists. In the debate, Attal carefully avoided mentioning racism or fascism.

The result of all this could be seven million votes for the RN on Sunday, perhaps as many as 32% of French voters, more than any other slate. The organization is still having great difficulty building a party machine, and throughout the European elections campaign has had only eight public meetings, far fewer than other parties. But the urgency of a large scale national antifascist campaign is ever more evident. The march of 800 open fascists through the streets of Paris three weeks ago served as a vital reminder.