The Left Berlin News & Comment

This is the archive template

“Direct action is empowering in the sense that it counters the discourse that people cannot do anything”

Interview with Zohar Chamberlain Regev, one of the organisers of the Freedom Flotilla


08/05/2024

The Freedom Flotilla Coalition was ready to send several ships to Gaza on April 26, 2024 when Guinea Bissau withdrew its flag from two of the flotilla ships. This has meant that some of the vessels are no longer able to sail. We had the privilege of speaking with Zohar, one of the organizers of the Freedom Flotilla about these developments. Below is the transcript of our conversation.

Hi Zohar. It’s been a couple of weeks since The Left Berlin talked to you about the Freedom Flotilla. What has happened since then?

The sail date for the flotilla has been delayed due to problems with the flag state. There was a lot of pressure on Guinea Bissau;  two of our boats were sailing under the flag of Guinea Bissau. People were gathered in Istanbul ready to board the ship, and we’ve had to send them back home. We are now regrouping and getting organized. But this will take some time. 

At the same time, the Freedom Flotilla Coalition has another mission. Our work is to challenge the blockade by direct action. As we speak, our boat Handala is on its way to Gaza. It left Oslo on the first of May, and it is now in Sweden.

Handala is going to pass through a lot of ports, stopping on the way, and there will be events to raise awareness and to denounce the complicity of our governments. We want to gather support and to have different people participate on different legs. Eventually, the boat will reach Gaza with mostly a message of solidarity.

What legal arguments were used to stop the other boats?

There were no legal arguments. It’s all political. Israel wants to avoid the embarrassment or a diplomatic incident that could be a result of stopping us violently in international waters, which it has done since we started sailing with these boats to Gaza. 

In 2010, Israeli commandos actually murdered 9 peace activists on the Mavi Marmara, injured more than 50 (one martyr died after 4 years in coma bringing their number to 10), and kidnapped international activists. They were all on six different boats in international waters. Israel took them against their will. Since then, every boat that we’ve sent has been attacked in international waters. There have been no lethal attacks since 2010, but these were are all still acts of piracy by Israel on the high seas. 

They are trying to avoid a similar incident. Israel has put a lot of pressure through its proxies like the US and Germany on both the Turkish government and the government of Guinea Bissau to do whatever they can so that we will not be able to sail.

Is it the governments who are stopping you from sailing?

It was a government agency in charge of flagging boats which wrote a letter to us saying that we needed to say where we were going and get confirmation from the port of destination in Gaza. This port no longer exists because it was destroyed by the Israelis. Then they told us to say which other ports we plan to visit on the way. 

Huwaida Arraf, who was speaking at the press conference in Istanbul, compared this to a person trying to register a car and being asked, “Where are you going to drive this car?” 

It’s absolutely unheard of that a flag state requires to know where you’re going to take the ship that is being flagged. They are usually concerned with safety on board and certain regulations, but that’s all flag states generally care about. They should not ask where the boat is going. It’s absolutely none of their business.

Do you think that similar tactics can be used to stop the Handala sailing?

Handala is flagged with a Norwegian flag. There is no need for it to go through any inspections. It’s a perfectly seaworthy boat. As I said, it’s already on its way and will be stopping in many ports. People are welcome to come and see it to make sure for themselves that this is a peaceful mission. There is no reason for it to be stopped.

Of course, we expect pressure from Israel because they do not want to have to deal with us. But  this exactly why we do this;  justice and international law require that Gaza has contact with the outside world and that these things are not mediated by the same people who are trying to eliminate all life there.

On the Mavi Marmara, there were politicians from Germany and elsewhere who offered some protection because of their prominence. Who is travelling on Handala?

Right now, I don’t have the crew list with me. Some of the crew are Scandinavians, and I know that there are two people from Canada. Along the way, there will be different people joining. We are open for  more participants. We’ve had a lot of interest for Break the Siege mission. Of course, the Handala is a much smaller boat, but we do welcome participation, especially of prominent people, which will shed light on this urgent need to reach Gaza.

Which ports is Handala going to be visiting?

It is currently sailing from a port whose name I can’t pronounce in Sweden to Gothenburg, and then it will go from Gothenburg to two other Swedish ports: Halmstad and Helsingborg. Then it will go to Malmö where the European song contest is going to be celebrated, and there’s a lot of interest because many artists have been calling to ban Israel from participating due to the genocide.

From Malmö, it will go to Copenhagen and then to Bremenhafen in Germany. Following that, it will be stopping in ports in the UK, the Netherlands, France, Spain, Portugal, and so forth. 

The German government has been very strong in its support for Israel. Do you think there might be problems entering Bremerhafen?

I don’t think we should have any problem at all. The boat meets all the standards. It is an international mission. I cannot see why Germany should do anything against it. 

In the past, when I sailed on the Al Awda, we were boarded by customs or immigration. Somebody came on board and asked to see all the passports and to speak to the captain. But this was a routine inspection and then we were let go. There is no way that they can stop a perfectly legal voyage.

I’d like to hope so, but you can’t really trust German politicians.

You should trust international law. And if we are met with challenges, we will of course meet them. We have legal advice of our own. There is nothing wrong with what we are doing when we sail between European ports. There is also nothing wrong with us sailing to Gaza. The International Court of Justice says that Israel is not allowed to hinder the delivery of aid to Gaza.

What do you think will happen when you get to Gaza? You said that there was a brutal attack by Israeli forces on the Mavi Marmara. Are you anticipating something similar this time?

We are always preparing our participants, and especially at these dark times when Israel is really out of control and doing whatever it wants with no accountability. So they go through non-violence training for whatever they may encounter. 

But of course, we are doing something that is legal, moral, necessary, and right.

We do not come with any intention to confront anyone. We have said that we are sailing to Gaza. But there is nothing within our power to stop them from doing whatever they want. We know how we will react, which is with non-violent resistance. We will never do anything to attack anybody, and whatever they do is on them.

A lot of what you can do depends on international support and how much people know about what you’re doing. What are you doing to publicize the boats on top of the local actions in different cities?

The Break the Siege mission is something much larger than anything we’ve done before. Even the Mavi Marmara had hundreds of participants, but nothing close to the capacity  we have now. We have generated a lot of interest;  in some countries, the media coverage was significantly higher than in Germany 

I understand that in Germany, there was nothing said about this. But in Spain, the flotilla was a news item every day when we were in Istanbul. There is still interest; we are still getting requests for interviews. 

We have also generated interest in countries where haven’t campaigned yet, like Brazil, for example. We’ve had participants from many, many countries, and we hope to get more. We hope to get more prominent people to join us or at least show support. 

And of course, we do most of our work on social media and on alternative media, because mainstream media is controlled by the people who want to maintain the narrative that Israel is fighting terrorism, when in fact, Israel is the terrorist. 

What’s the coverage in the mainstream media been like? Have they been supportive, or are they attacking you?

We have some of the media coverage on our website. There was a very good article in the Washington Post, for example. And it’s not just about what we do. It’s a conversion of all sorts of struggles which we see all over the world now. Students at universities are demanding a stand for ceasefire for end of the genocide. This is all part of one great movement. 

I think the people around the world are all for an end to this terrible violence perpetrated by Israel on the Palestinians, not just in Gaza, but in the West Bank. And not just since the seventh of October. This month, we will be commemorating 76 years since the Nakba. People are waking up to the need to stop this terrible, racist project.

I think you’re right about the change of mood. We see this on American campuses, and even German students have started to demonstrate. Having said this, if people are waking up, they’re not always sure what they can do. How can people help what you are doing?

We ask people who want to help to, first of all, inform themselves about the situation in Palestine, but also about our work and other similar direct actions. Direct action is empowering in the sense that it counters the discourse that people cannot do anything.

It is an illusion to ask things of our governments. Governments do not listen to their people. It is us, the people, who need to act. And we need to act sometimes in defiance of unjust laws. But we can also act within the law to demand that the spirit of the law will be enforced. We see this with Palestine Action, for example, and their actions against the Elbit factories that produce weapons that are used in genocide. This has implications in other places. 

So we ask people to inform themselves, we ask people to follow us on social media and on our website. We ask people to get in touch with a local campaign if they have one. In countries where there is no campaign yet, they should get together with other people and form a campaign.

The Freedom Flotilla Coalition is an international coalition with members in countries as far apart as Malaysia. Turkey, Norway, Sweden, the US, Canada, Spain, Italy, South Africa, Australia, and New Zealand. All of these countries are pulling together resources in order to make these direct actions possible. 

But we can do so much more. For example, if people have boats, they can join us spontaneously. There doesn’t need to be a lot of organization involved in this. All it needs is for people to take the initiative and to say that we will sail to Gaza.

You said that it will soon be the anniversary of the Nakba. Is the flotilla going to be doing anything special to acknowledge this day?

On the 15th of May, the Handala will still be in Bremenhafen. Bremenhafen is not a very big city, as far as I could tell. So we are joining with an organisation in Hamburg that is organising a big Nakba demo. Our crew will join the demonstration and hopefully be able to speak to the people there.

Finally, is there anything else you’d like to say to our readers?

Here in Germany, we really need to change the discourse. A lot of people are upset about what they see and don’t agree with the government policy. It’s time that people really came out with whatever they feel. It’s time that people lose this fear of being labelled an antisemite when they stand up against genocide. This is a complete contradiction and a false understanding of the lessons from the Holocaust. And I say this as an Israeli Jew.

For more information about the Freedom Flotilla, consult their linktree page

France’s Universities Occupied in Solidarity with Gaza

Report from Paris on the international spread of the Camps for Gaza


07/05/2024

Sciences Po Paris – France’s Elite School Occupied by Students

On Thursday, 340 students gathered for a town hall to debate SciencesPo’s partnerships with Israeli institutions. 

Pro-palestinian students demanded the prestigious university server its ties with them. They called for an end “genocide in Gaza” perpetrated by Netanyahu’s far-right government.

Modeled after campus consultations in the US, the gathering was a concession by Jean Bassères, the interim administrator of Sciences Po Paris.

Before the event, Bassères tried to reassure Israeli universities and donors, stating that their ties with the elite school would not be severed. 

But caving to pressure from students and activists, he committed to further discussions to decide whether the Sciences Po should take explicit positions on important political issues.

In the past, the school, widely regarded as a leading institution in political science, took stances in solidarity with Ukraine and against Marine Le Pen in 2022’s presidential election.

On Friday, French police evacuated the campus after an overnight sit-in. 

French Prime Minister Gabriel Attal congratulated law enforcement saying that “no permanent protest camp… has been established in France “which contrast[s] to what we see abroad, namely across the Atlantic.”

Anti Semitism Accusations and Red Baiting by Conservatives

About 200 protesters at Sciences Po Paris blocked their campus in April when the first wave of major mobilisations kicked off.

They received visits of support and solidarity by multiple members of France’s largest left-wing movement. Former presidential candidate Jean-Luc Mélenchon went so far as to call the student activists the “honor of our country.”

Earlier in March, A member of the pro-Israeli Union of Jewish Students of France (UJEF) tried to enter a conference hall where pro-palestinian students were organizing. She says she was refused entry to the ongoing event. 

Valerie Pecresse, president of the Ile-de-France region, announced she would stop financing Sciences Po as long as “serenity and security” were disrupted by what she sees as ultra-leftist agitators. She tweeted on X : “A minority of radicals calling for antisemitic hatred and instrumentalized by LFI and its islamo-leftist allies cannot dictate their rules on our educational institutions.”

Such rhetoric will probably remind leftists of rhetoric of McCarthyist anti-communists in the 1950s or antisemitic far-right conspiracists of the early 20th century who believed “judeo-bolsheviks” were indoctrinating the youth of their day.

Although the Paris branch of Sciences Po is in the national limelight on TV channels and radio stations, other sites across France also saw protests erupt. Campuses in Rennes, Grenoble, Lyon, Saint-Etienne, and Dijon were blocked by students protesting in solidarity with Palestine. Lille’s ESJ journalism school was also blocked on Thursday. 

Sorbonne Clignancourt Campus Protests

The morning of May 2nd, hundreds of students voted to block the Sorbonne University’s Clignancourt campus.

A general assembly was called after an occupation of Paris’s prestigious Sciences Po University calling for a ceasefire in Gaza. 

Fearing a shutdown of the mobilization by the police, activists at Clignancourt rallied their classmates to evacuate their campus to show their solidarity with Sciences Po.

After a few rounds of sloganeering and rallying in front of the entrance, they marched to the nearest metro station to ride to the historic Sorbonne Latin Quarter campus to join forces with students from other branches of the prestigious school.

I talked to two militants engaged in the mobilisation at the Clignancourt campus.

Lina, a history and geography student, told me that the US campus occupations to protest Israel’s war in Gaza served as an “example.” 

For her, escalation is necessary. “We can’t expect things to change by handing out pamphlets. We need to block [our universities].” For Lina, the situation is dire – she didn’t hesitate to call Israel’s war in Gaza a “genocide” and in which universities should not be “complicit.”

Sasha, a literary arts masters student and member of the New Anti-Capitalist Party (NPA), was one of the organizers of the assembly, which he said drew 150 participants. Despite the spontaneous ambiance I felt at the blockade in the afternoon, publicity on social media allowed activists to announce the morning gathering with some advance notice.

He said that students recognized Emmanuel Macron’s complicity with Israel’s actions as a primary inspiration for their revolt. 

For Sasha, the campus occupations in the US are particularly inspiring since they are taking place in the heart of the dominant world hegemon. He admitted that France was a smaller western power, but that it was complicit in the “genocide” of Palestinians through its weapons exports to Israel.

Towards a new wave of student activism?

Movements in solidarity with Palestine are seeming to pick up traction as the weather improves and student protests sprout worldwide.

On Friday, Australia saw a wave of protests ignite across multiple campuses. Participants in rallies called for divestment from Israeli institutions and also cited the US universities occupations as an inspiration. 

This current upswell of solidarity with Palestine and newfound attention to anti-imperialist analysis could inspire future generations of young activists and students.

As the Palestinian death toll of Gaza rises to 34,600 since October 7th, 2023, urgent mobilization is needed from students and the left to call for a lasting ceasefire and the reconstruction (and eventual liberation) of the territory.

What Will India decide?

2024 will go down in history as landmark elections in India

India’s general elections began in April this year. These elections are the largest electoral exercise in the world, where 800 million people will vote and decide the fate of a fifth of the world’s population for the next five years. Over the last 77 years, with the exception of the Emergency years of 1975-77, independent India has retained its reputation for being a democratic republic, conducting free and fair elections at regular intervals, both at federal and provincial levels. India’s diverse nature has been reflected by different political parties and coalitions coming to power. Since 2014, however, when the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) came into power under the leadership of Narendra Modi, the political milieu in India has changed radically. Under Modi’s rule as Prime Minister, the BJP has tried to establish single-party hegemony at the federal and provincial level using every possible trick in the book. These elections are crucial because they may well be the end of India as we know it.

In order to understand why the BJP are such a big threat, it is necessary to dig into their provenance and look at the rise of Modi in particular. The BJP are the electoral wing of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) – a Hindu nationalist organisation founded in 1925, with the explicit objective of establishing a Hindu state in South Asia. The early ideologues of the RSS were inspired by the rise of fascism in interwar Europe, and were instrumental in inventing the concept of Hindutva. Nathuram Godse—the man who assassinated Mahatma Gandhi—was a lifelong member of the RSS (although they unsuccessfully tried to distance themselves from him). After Gandhi’s assassination, the RSS was banned for a short while by the Government of India. This ban was only lifted after they agreed not to participate in electoral politics. The RSS circumvented these restrictions by creating an organisation called the Jana Sangh, which, over the course of time and various organizational experiments, metamorphosed into today’s BJP.

The BJP’s first stint in power at the federal level was between 1998 and 2004, when they formed a coalition government. In 2002, Narendra Modi was the Chief Minister of the western Indian state of Gujarat. Under his tenure, Gujarat witnessed a pogrom against Muslim minorities, with with as many 2,000 (mostly Muslim) deaths. Several accusations were levelled against him and his government, for being an active participant in the massacre of Muslims. His closest ally, Amit Shah—the present Home Minister of India, and Gujarat’s Minister of State in 2002—had been charged with organising the killing of Sohrabuddin Sheikh, a man linked to the murder of Haren Pandya, a rival to Modi from within the BJP. During the court proceedings, several key witnesses turned hostile, judges recused themselves, and one of the judges died under mysterious circumstances. Eventually, the case ended up being dismissed. Together, Modi and Shah are a formidable team that rely on fear and intimidation tactics to have their way with the legal and political system.

After coming to power at the federal level, Modi’s BJP government had adopted two objectives—the complete liberalization of the economy, and the transformation of India into a Hindu nation-state. The trend towards economic liberalization is not new, and has been steadily sharpening since 1991, when the Indian economy was opened up. Broadly, government spending per capita on education and healthcare has gone down, while the share of the private sector has gone up, thus enabling the commodification of basic social welfare. The BJP has also loosened labour laws, taking away the basic rights of workers by increasing working hours, contractualizing permanent jobs, and revoking the right to protest. Agricultural laws have been changed, in order to pave the path for corporations to enter into agricultural markets; this led to massive farmers’ protests in 2021. The BJP has also brought reformed mining laws, making it easier for corporations to expropriate the country’s natural resources, often leading to the displacement of indigenous communities who have lived in mineral-rich regions for thousands of years.

These changes have particularly benefited one mega-corporation—the Adani Group, a longstanding friend and donor to the BJP. Gautam Adani, once the world’s second-wealthiest man, has benefited not only from India’s domestic policy, but also its foreign policy, as it expands its activities from Australia to Israel. This is not new: crony capitalism has been entrenched in the Indian economy for decades. The biggest trick that the BJP have pulled, however, has been to create a class of financial instruments called electoral bonds, that allow corporations to make anonymous donations to political parties. Buyers of these instruments remain anonymous to the general public, but not to the party that they donated to, allowing them to receive favorable contracts from the state. A recent Supreme Court judgment made these bonds illegal, and forced the State Bank of India to reveal the names of donors. Analyses of the data reveal that the BJP received close to 50% of all the money under this scheme, to the tune of $700 million. A list of donors reveals a number of corporations, many of whom would have wound up benefiting from receiving preferential government contracts.

Ideologically, what is unique to the BJP is the hegemonic control over the Hindu nation-building narrative that it has managed to achieve, through a combination of intimidation and propaganda. What this means is that if you dare to criticise the BJP, you become a target for attack through the various channels that they now control. Since 2014, India has witnessed an unprecedented attack on reason, protest, and any sort of activity that the government considers a threat to its interests. The scale of this attack is so vast that it is difficult to summarize in a single article. But if we zoom out a bit, a clear pattern emerges. The BJP has mobilized an army of propaganda warriors/internet trolls, whose job is to spread mis- and disinformation. This happens on social media and through tools like WhatsApp, birthing the satirical phrase, “WhatsApp University”. The electronic media, particularly English and Hindi television channels and newspapers, are largely owned either by Adani or other corporations close to the BJP. These media sources indulge in unabashed praise of the government, and shut down any kind of dissent, using terms like “anti-national” or “terrorist”, effectively rendering this government beyond critique. The BJP’s propaganda cell (the IT cell, as it is popularly known) is so strong, that it has even been successful in creating large scale communal violence across India. In addition, the BJP has successfully birthed a sophisticated group of right-wing “intellectuals”, who justify all the atrocities, violence, and attacks on civil liberties, under the garb of national pride, and spin it as creating a new decolonial history of India.

More recently, the BJP has seen scrutiny for instrumentalising institutions like the Income Tax Department, the Enforcement Directorate, and the Central Bureau of Investigation, using them to attack political rivals. Journalists and activists who have been vocal against the government have faced raids in their homes, or arrests under draconian security laws, and have seen imprisonment without trial. Laws like the Sedition Law, the National Security Act, and the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act have all been strengthened, so that one can be incarcerated for years without bail, and presumed to be guilty until they prove their innocence. Universities are not only facing discursive violence, through changes in academic practices and the outright banning of any anti-government discussions, but also actual violence, where the police and Hindu nationalist mobs have physically assaulted protesting students and teachers.

The biggest challenge for the BJP to turn India into a Hindu state is the country’s more than 200 million Muslim citizens. In this regard, their tactics have also been twofold—breaking the morale of the community, and actively turning the Muslims of India into a second-class citizenry. In January 2024, Narendra Modi inaugurated a grand temple at the exact site of the Babri Masjid—a 400 year old mosque, destroyed in 1992 by a Hindu nationalist mob under the leadership of LK Advani, a prominent BJP politician. This is not an exceptional event. One of the slogans that the BJP use says that the Babri demolition was “just the beginning”, and that other mosques in Kashi and Mathura are next.

While the mosque demolitions act as a symbolic reminder to Muslims about their secondary status, in recent years, Muslims have also been lynched by so-called cow vigilantes, under the pretext that they were consuming or carrying beef. Muslim localities and houses have been demolished, solely because their residents protested against the government. Inter-faith marriages between Hindus and Muslims increasingly require special permissions from judges, due to the moral panic around “*Love Jihad”*. On multiple occasions, BJP leaders (including ministers) have called for an economic boycott of Muslims. The resemblance to 1930s Germany is stark, but probably unsurprising, given the party’s provenance. In order to degrade the Muslim population to a second-class citizenry, the Modi government recently passed a law (the Citizenship Amendment Act, 2019) and intends to use it to initiate a countrywide citizenship register. This implementation was hindered by mass protests and the pandemic. However, the ulterior motive behind the law is to strip as many Muslims as possible of citizenship, and then declare them foreign nationals. This process has already been initiated in the north-eastern state of Assam, where 1.9 million people have presently been declared stateless.

Under these circumstances, the BJP’s defeat in the next elections is of utmost importance for the future of India as a democratic state. Unfortunately, the situation does not look promising; the opposition is neither strong nor unified enough to combat the colossal financial and organizational strength of the BJP. Moreover, the Election Commission of India has been losing its credibility in recent years, as it has favoured the BJP over other political parties. A free and fair election is supposed to be an impartial process that reveals the will of the general public. But this process itself is at stake, as the BJP relies on coercion, money, intimidation and propaganda. They have repeatedly bought out winning opposition candidates, or threatened them to get them to join the BJP when they have been short of a majority. Thus, there is no guarantee that BJP will lose even if there is a free and fair election. The judiciary, which has remained independent and a check on the government’s arbitrary practices, has also lost its credibility, as Supreme Court judges that have favoured the BJP agenda have been given ministerial positions upon retirement.

All signs point towards the BJP having no intention to leave office. With plans for gerrymandering, and changes to how many representatives each federal state will have at the national level, it appears that a few states from the Hindi-speaking parts of India (a bastion of support for the BJP) shall have larger electoral weight going forward. At this point, India will not only face threats against its democracy, but could fall into an actual political crisis, which might not be resolvable through elections or other democratic processes.

While we cannot predict the future, there is reason believe that 2024 will go down in history as landmark elections in India: perhaps even the last.

254 EURO

War is also when you are scolded for being in a good mood.

Last night I had a nightmare. In it, my dad was murdered in my rented apartment. He was killed in such a gruesome way that doctors refused to take his body to the morgue. That’s why, like at the beginning of the war, I went to live in the office building again. And in the gay church, which is practically outlawed in Ukraine.

I tried to fall asleep immediately, refusing to live in such an ugly reality. But when I started to drift off, I realized I wanted to escape not from reality, but from the nightmare. It’s worth mentioning that I don’t have a dad. Just as I don’t have a homeland.

When discussing war, we talk about Ukraine and Russia, forgetting that the state is a myth that exists only as long as people believe in it. And we forget about people.

Today, many are more concerned about the fate of the state than the fate of its people, which is both shameful and frightening. Logic suggests that the fate of the state will determine the destinies of millions of people, so the fate of the state should take priority. But the nuance of reality suggests otherwise; what’s good for the state isn’t always good for the individual.

Let me show you an example that recently occurred in a Ukrainian mining town, my hometown. The town has been occupied by the Russian army for 2 years now. Finally, one of my friends decided to emigrate. She left through Crimea to Russia, and from there to Turkey. Eventually, she decided to settle in Lithuania. However, she didn’t like it there and decided to return. But she wasn’t allowed back home. Not having obtained a Russian passport in 2 years meant she didn’t support the new government, so she was denied entry.

A huge number of people got Russian passports in territories under occupation. My other buddies did it but that one girl refused. War devalues everything, but we must still realize that emigration is difficult and traumatic, and not suitable for everyone. It’s important to understand I’m not claiming that emigration is harder than war; I’m asserting that it’s also difficult. And so, many choose to live under shelling just to avoid the hardships of emigration. To adapt, many have to get Russian passports if they want to work.

What? Isn’t a job worth someone’s safety? Recently I read the news that two Ukrainian men were detained for illegally crossing the border. Surprisingly, they were not trying to escape, but to return. They could not find jobs in Europe and after a while went back. Since they left Ukraine by crossing the river, they decided to return the same way, but were caught.

Back to our story. Upon returning to Lithuania, my friend suddenly sent me 254 euros. That same evening, she called me and asked to write a book about her situation. I found it funny, not only her intention but also its realization – 254 euros. Why exactly 254? It turned out to be simple – it was her last bit of spare money, what she had planned to spend on leisure after paying rent and other obligatory expenses.

Naturally, I returned the money to her, promising to tell her story in an upcoming essay. By the time I got around to it, the story had taken a turn: a successful date in Vilnius rendered her problems  insignificant. More proof that home is not just a place on the map but an internal feeling.

I write this again to emphasize that not everything that is good for the state is good for the individual. Many today support Ukraine, but how many think about those living in the occupied territories? What will happen to them if these cities return under Ukraine’s control? The cynicism with which Ukraine regards the guys who left the country suggests that even people who have received Russian passports in the occupied territories will be subject to oppression by the Ukrainian authorities.

Let me remind you that the occupied territories are located in eastern Ukraine, and therefore, the most Russian-speaking cities are located there. In my mining town, there are no Ukrainian-speaking people at all. At least there weren’t while I lived there. The Ukranian liberation of Russian-speaking cities during a period of aggressive Ukrainization is a dangerous matter. It warrants at least public discussion.

What do the Ukrainian authorities do for emigrants? They limit access to consular services. They intimidate us with monthly news about deportation. They call for the closure of integration programs for Ukrainians in the EU. There are endless debates within Ukraine about how many years to imprison those who left. Could the same fate await my dear grandma if Ukraine regains my mining town?

Thinking about this is like waking up again in the office and in the church. And again, everywhere there are corpses, but now they are  strangers’ dads’. The question is not who will win. The question is why people feel bad even when they do win.

It’s been 2 weeks since I received the strange payment of 254 euros, and I’m still thinking about it. I remember Gabriel Garcia Marquez, who sold his fridge to afford to write a novel. Besides the fridge, he also had to sell his radio. And to send the manuscript to the publisher by mail, he pawned his wife’s hairdryer and blender.

When discussing the war in Ukraine, I often talk about the decline of culture as one of the reasons for the war. If writers and artists could more easily find financial support, there would be more works that foster a more critical attitude towards current events. How does this work? Culture shapes values that create a defense against the influence of war propaganda.

For example, a propagandist will never admit to not believing in heroism, but a writer can and should. Are you curious why someone would not believe in heroism? And what’s wrong with heroism in the first place? The thing is, heroism often embodies an attraction to death, which is the opposite of a love for life. In other words: one who finds life more terrifying is less scared of death (you can read more about it in the first essay I wrote for The Left Berlin which is called A Closer Look at Heroism).

Putting such a person on a pedastal in front of society is reckless, but it benefits the state during wartime to push citizens towards reckless actions, such as sacrificing their own lives for a myth. The duty of a writer is to stand on the side of humanity, even knowing that at the moment they may believe the state is their only friend. Remember, to write a novel, one writer already had to sell a hairdryer and a fridge.

But what if the writer doesn’t have their own fridge? Is it worth hoping for support from the state? True art stands on the side of humanity, while the state doesn’t always do the same. That’s why the paths of creativity and the state often diverge, and accordingly, support should be sought not from the state, but from the people. We all know who funds propaganda. Resisting it is often a selfless act of individuals who need your support. Fighters for justice in the capitalist world often find themselves in a weak position, but it’s within our power to change that.

Looking at my friend’s odd gesture, I wonder about the likelihood that she tricked me. What if she knew I would return her money, but her gesture would inspire me to write this essay? Yesterday, I spoke to her on the phone. She laughed but declined to comment.

This piece is a part of  a series, The Mining Boy Notes, published on Mondays and authored by Ilya Kharkow, a writer from Ukraine. For more information about Ilya, see his website. You can support his work by buying him a coffee.

“The only place to reflect critically is on the streets”

interview with Robert Yerachmiel Sniderman, Adi Liraz, and Eliana Pliskin Jacobs about their artistic project WE SEE


05/05/2024

WE SEE / WIR SEHEN / ΕΜΕΙΣ ΒΛΕΠΟΥΜΕ / אנחנו רואות / نحن نرى is a project conceptualized by artists Adi Liraz and Robert Yerachmiel Sniderman, with Eliana Pliskin Jacobs as a collaborative performer. The multi-site performance between Ioannina, Greece, and Berlin, Germany took place on March 29th, 2024. It was the shabbat evening after the 80th year since the deportation of Liraz’s grandmother. The artists sat, walked, and reflected on the unfolding atrocities in Gaza, repeating “Gaza my love, we see”. It draws on historical imagery of antisemitism in Germany, particularly the blindfolded figure representing a blind Judaism known as Synagoga. The artists insisted on their presence as a protest in the places where their families had been exterminated by National Socialism.

For Adi Liraz, it connected to the murder of the family of her grandmother in Ioannina. For Eliana Pliskin Jacobs, it connected to the murder of her great-grandparents in Berlin. For all the artists, insisting on reflecting upon these histories of violence was essential to protest the ongoing mass killing and ethnic cleansing in Gaza. They gazed through historically imposed blindfolds, to comment on the systematic repression in Germany and beyond – of pro-Palestinian Jewish voices. These demand the right to see their Holocaust histories in constellation with other acts of mass violence, underlining “Gaza my love, we see”.

They wrote that, “Facing the mass killing + ethnic cleansing of Palestinians perpetrated by the State of Israel*, we, carrying these stories, refuse the fascism forced on Jews by Nationalists + Philosemites. You tell us we lie. Thirty thousand murdered; 13,000 children; 1.8 million displaced; 700,000 in most severe starvation; 1.3 million in acute hunger facing it; 70% homes destroyed; 1 million ghettoized in Rafah waiting invasion. You tell us we lie. You tell us burn + bury through infants in incubators, water, universities, hospitals, poets, flour or we blaspheme our ancestors Nelly + Rivka + Annetta + Nissim + Erna + Martin or we’re not ourselves, you blindfold us, Gaza my love, we see you inside ourselves.” Full project statement here.

I was wondering about the historical background of the Ecclesia and Synagoga figures. Can you explain their meaning and how they inspired this latest project?

AL:  I work as a freelancer-guide at the Jewish Museum of Berlin. There are two replicas of figures from the 15th century in the core exhibition. A year or a year and a half ago Robert came with a group of students, I gave them a tour and showed them the two figures. Since then Robert and I have conversed about them. Already from the Middle Ages, I think the 11th century, and even before that they appeared in 5th century Rome. Around then, the church started propaganda against Jews using the figures, Ecclesia and Synagoga. This was to promote Christianity by presenting Judaism as backward, blindfolded – and Christianity as a queen looking to the future. Everyone could see them. This further influenced hatred towards Jews that developed into actual violence against Jews.

RYS: We thought about Synagoga as one part of an ancient racial imagination of Jewish blindness. There’s a 13th century public engraving on the Schlosskirche in Wittenberg, a UNESCO World Heritage Site, wherein Jewish men are depicted suckling a pig, while one opens and stares into the animal’s anus. The image references a sermon from Martin Luther, declaring Jews find the Talmud inside a pig’s anus; the Talmud, being, as Daniel Boyarin has written, that which “maintained a diasporic existence.” To us, this “Jewish Sow” image was also one on Jewish blindness. A German convert to Judaism in recent years sued to remove the engraving. Historical preservation laws prevailed. Adi and I took a position that such public imagery should remain, yet accompanied by some form of permanent, if changing, intervention, because it evidences a deep, thousand-year legacy buried in a contemporary German discourse that isolates Nazism in history, culture, and power. But the roots are so deep and the visual discourse, on blindness in this case, remains potent.

AL: To contextualize this within contemporary discourse, most often when you hear the word antisemitism, or hate against Jews – in Germany it is almost always in connection to refugees from Muslim countries or Palestinians. In a way it seems like German society is trying to push away their own responsibility for the deep-rooted hate against Jews within its own history. The word anti-Semitism comes from Germany. Of course we cannot deny that anti-Semitism also exists in Muslim countries. But this is actually something that was  reflected from the colonial projects of Christianity to either convert other people to Christianity or conquer and occupy Muslim countries. That brought with it this idea of the Jew as powerful, rich, conspiring. We tried to reflect on that in this work.

RYS: And to use the figure actually as a performer: to take the statue from the museum to the streets. To re-inhabit that figure in order to create a visual, ethical, cultural intervention in the contemporary landscape.

I found it really interesting how multi-sited your interventions were, between Greece, Ioannina; Germany, Berlin; referencing Palestine, Gaza; and enacting memory-scapes stretching back generations and histories. How did these physical and memorial places come together for you all: for Adi and Robert as the work’s conceptualizers and for Eliana as a performer?

EPJ: I think that one of the most interesting elements about this performance is that it looks across so many spaces, especially towards what’s happening in Palestine and also seeing inside ourselves. It was very powerful that Adi and I were doing the same thing at the same time in our – as much as Jews can call it such – ancestral homelands. I found this spanning a very powerful part of the work.

AL: For me, the core of this work is commemoration of different violent events in which people are being mass murdered or ethnically cleansed. I don’t think there is a justification for competition between who has suffered more. It’s possible to feel several things and not only one pain. When we look at the 80th commemoration day of my ancestors in Ioannina, I can also commemorate the expulsion and murder of Eliana’s great-grandparents; and the contemporary violence acts against the population in Gaza.

RYS: What you called a multi-site performance, Sarah, is connected for me to the idea of how we perform our diaspora, or diasporas in the plural. Because Jewish history contains multiple diasporas. The bifurcation of our world into exile and Israel is a Zionist narrative. When we perform in multiple sites, we pull traditions from those sites and cultures. We serve our diasporas, we perpetuate our diasporas. We say: We live, Jews live.

EPJ: Within Yiddish-speaking communities of Eastern Europe there was a very strong concept of Doikayt, meaning “hereness”, being here. Zionism as the default mentality of Jews was only imposed on many Jewish communities after the Holocaust. Before, there was a widespread cultural pride in diaspora, at least in the Yiddish community of Eastern Europe.

AL: Just to add on to that, the National Socialists argued that Jews do not belong in Germany and need to go to Palestine. So actually there is a strong connection between imposed Zionism and National Socialism. This is the significance of working here in Ioannina for me. Because it used to be Ottoman for such a long time. But dominated by a Muslim empire, it welcomed and even invited Jews to be part of it. But I do not ignore the atrocities committed by this empire towards other populations and later towards Jews in Turkey.

Eliana on train tracks in Westhafen, Berlin which originally led to Auschwitz. Photo: Denis Esakov

In the six months since October 7th, how do you feel about doing this recent artistic work in an atmosphere of increased pro-Palestine repression and silencing of speech? Where do you think artistic actions fit in this space?

AL: Pari El-Qalqili and Nahed Samour argue that political art or the arts in general, cannot exist anywhere else in the moment but in the street. In Germany after October 7th, there is censorship of critical voices. So the only place to actually reflect critically is on the streets. Many people are not talking at all or are very selective with their words, especially people who don’t have German or European citizenship. We can also think about the meaning of protests. There are demonstrations, which often end with a mass arrest – and there is a kind of protest through creating interventions, using different kinds of materials and tools through art. In a way there is more freedom of speech in these kinds of actions. So if we look at it from the perspective of protest, there is more possibility to express and create criticism through art. If we look at it from art institutions, it is more possible to be critical out on the streets – than in the institutions themselves. Since October 7th, in the institutions is such a strong censorship and repression.

EPJ: As Adi mentioned, everybody’s scared, but nobody actually knows what would happen if you step across the boundary. I think there might even be more leniency than we’re aware of. For instance a large Jewish institution in Germany (name redacted) liked our Instagram post about the project. I think the only way to find out the boundary is to push against it gradually. Conversely, I think there is absolutely no discourse in Germany, or in the rest of the world now, on what is going on right now within a larger historical context. Perhaps it’s too present for people to step back and see historical phenomena in perspective. But I wish this were addressed even in demonstrations in Germany. Both in terms of Germany providing weapons for Israel and providing the enormous spark that eventually led to all this in the first place.

RYS: I think that if we were able to have an informed and truthful discourse around this—the ties between the Holocaust and the ongoing Nakba—it would be different. We would all be different. Honestly, I see a lot of antisemitism at demonstrations. I’m sorry to say this. I’ve seen signs that read: “Zionists are indigenous to hell” and “If you love them so much why don’t you give them your land”. These phrases mask earnest widespread anti-colonial and humanitarian desperations that I share. And they scald the very pulse of the extreme vulnerability and volatile relationship to land and politics Ashkenazi and Sephardic Jews have bore over the past thousand years. It is a vulnerability and volatility that is at the root of this cycle of genocide we see tearing our world apart today. I think it’s because we can’t have this conversation nearly anywhere that there’s so much personification, radicalization, and mystification of its trans-generational roots and trajectories. It’s as if at once Jews were the only victims that ever existed but now (as Zionists) they’re the only perpetrators. Between them Nazism forming this bridge of exceptionalism. But Palestine/Israel is part of the former Ottoman Empire, the slow dismantling of which, over centuries, constituted multiple genocides and ethnic cleansing campaigns from every ethno-sectarian direction. The catastrophe of Palestine/Israel extends all these histories.

We’ve touched on repression in Germany as well as other places. Alongside this, at least as I have observed within leftist Jewish contexts in Berlin and New York, there is often a discourse about the privilege of being Jewish. Namely, that Jewish people have some leverage to not get punished as badly as many more precarious people intervening. They can use their status as a model minority in Germany to intervene, particularly to help the Palestinian cause. What do you think are the potentials and pitfalls of intervening as a Jewish artist in Germany?

AL: There was a time when I thought I was protected in Germany because I’m Jewish and Israeli, and then I learned that this is bullshit. Of course, in comparison to other discriminated groups we´re more privileged, but it’s not like we are protected. We can also be accused or lose our access to certain things when we become too vocal about some topics. Each time when we say things that do not fit into the “Jew box”, are not well digested, we can also be excluded.

EPJ: And I might add that the idea of the privileges of being Jewish in Germany are based in discrimination, in stereotyping and generalizations about a particular desired kind of Jew. Germany wants to protect its Jews but it wants to protect its good Jews. There are a couple of bad Jews – let’s just push them to the corner and not listen to them.

RYS: I think we need to say that Palestinian-Germans and peoples, in this context, especially Muslim and Arab, without papers or with precarious papers, of course they’re always more vulnerable when demonstrating, when making statements, when doing the kind of work that the three of us feel more or less able to do. When we create such things in the streets of Europe we are thinking about their circumstances and trying to enact a solidarity with them and their families.

Where do you think the use of certain terms, words, or terminologies fits within such solidarity and broader possibilities of artistic intervention, especially in German spaces? In this recent project, you all had a lot of debate over whether to use the word “genocide” to describe what is going on in Gaza. It is not about a lack of information or disagreement with this term to describe what is going on, but rather about a climate of fear and intimidation when people use this word in Germany, alongside a broad lack of contextualization and discussion.

AL: Yes, earlier we were talking about fear, also of certain terminologies, these things are also dynamic. Some things that we were able to say before October 7th became forbidden afterwards. Some things that in the first couple of months after October 7th were forbidden are now allowed. It’s constantly changing. The only thing that is stable is the fear put on us from Germany. This causes us to doubt and rethink how we express ourselves and the use of the word genocide. I have read the official definition of what the German government considers genocide so many times. Each time I read it, I don’t understand why it does not apply to what is happening right now in Gaza. I was afraid to use it until recently because of the fear of what could happen to me. We had a conversation around whether to use “genocide” in our project description because we both have certain ideas and are afraid and trying to protect ourselves. It’s ridiculous because we are all Jews! Eliana and I have ancestors who were murdered by Germans in events defined as genocide in the official definition, and yet we are afraid to use this word. It’s ridiculous.

EPJ: Precisely. We are afraid of accusations of anti-Semitism, which is absurd. Because we are using this term in the context in which we are talking about our great grandparents who were murdered by anti-Semitism. The descendants of those who murdered them are now accusing us of committing the same crime (“anti-Semitism”) that their great grandparents did to murder ours. They put the responsibility of their own crimes and atonement onto the descendants of their own victims.

AL: This is what our performance is about. They put the blindfold on us, they try to blind us, but they don’t succeed.

RYS: And we see through other means. Why are we doing this? Why have we been yelling about these things along with many other Jews and Palestinians and non-Jews and non-Palestinians for years, decades? From a Jewish perspective it’s about the integrity of our ancestors. We don’t want to see our ancestors and the crimes against them used to justify or obfuscate the crimes against other people. This is a horrible, violating feeling. After receiving the violence, there’s very little that’s worse than this.

Adi performing through Ioannina. Photo: Chrysanthos Konstantinidis

This recent piece connects back to both of your broader artistic practices and their motivations. Robert, there are intersections with your recent action in Warsaw with  Joanna Rajkowska, and your different walking actions in Berlin. Adi, this connects to your project Asking for Nelly (2019), a walk in Ioannina about your grandmother’s younger sister. It links to Megorashet (2022), a walk in Heidelberg reflecting on the city’s entanglement with Greek symbols and German nationalism; and Alle Erinnerungen fließen ins Meer und wieder raus (2021) an action of remembrance of three German-speaking poets, May Ayim, Semra Ertan, and Rose Ausländer. In your works, there are intersections with walking and rituals of commemoration. How are your broader bodies of work in dialogue with this recent collaboration?

AL: Yes, it directly relates to Asking for Nelly, which was in Ioannina five years ago shortly before the recent performance, March 25th. It was the 75th commemoration of the deportation of the Jews of Ioannina. Five years ago I was walking while wearing a similar dress and holding a projector that projected the image of the sister of my great-grandmother, Nelly. I walked from the place where the deportation started, through the synagogue, to the family´s house. This time I wasn’t walking, I was sitting. I sat because I wanted to look through the blindfold to the location where the Jews of Ioannina were deported from. I wasn’t walking – but looking. Many of Robert’s and at least one of Eliana’s have commonalities, with elements of commemoration, public rituals, aiming to receive solidarity from the audience. For me, this is one of the main reasons why I create art in public space. But it’s also about accessibility, about bringing communication and storytelling to people. To create the possibility to learn and interact not only by going into prestigious institutions. It’s also a spiritual experience; people are feeling very connected and there are moments of exchange, of learning and of communality.

RYS: I felt honoured to have created this piece with Adi. This is our first significant collaboration. My family was not deported or murdered in the Shoah, but were exiled during the Pogrom era in the late 19th century and early 20th century. I felt moved to work with Adi and Eliana in the exact sites where their families were deported to their murder in order to together protest for life. It was a very intense practice. I realize it follows the trajectory I’ve taken in recent years; that is a process of poetic mediation, in helping others imagine a way through tumultuous conditions of memory, violation, and land. Adi and I have created a visual language with the blindfold. It is a potent supplement in its context, and I think could be used by others to cut through the imprisoned yet urgently necessary discourse of the Holocaust and the Nakba. It is a kind of public performance that reaches quickly and deeply into mold-infested undercurrents of social imagination which fuel today’s atrocities. It reaches to find another language, to transmute this violence.

Thank you all for sharing your thoughts. Any final words?

ESP: I condemn Germany for using their murder of our great grandparents to justify the murder of countless more today. For putting the responsibility of atonement for its own genocide onto its own victims. And for turning the lesson that it should have learned from its past – never again shall there be systematic extermination – completely upside down as it now supports systematic extermination. I urge the German public to recognize the inherent diversity of Jewish discourse, and to hear the many voices of those of us who cry “Stop supporting the killing of our sisters and brothers!”