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Legal Victory

German Federal Constitutional Court Ends Separation of Baby and Parents Over Palestine Solidarity


20/08/2025

A one-year-old child separated from parents over Palestine solidarity is finally allowed to re-enter Germany, according to the German Federal Constitutional Court ruling on 5th of August 2025, after a successful urgent appeal by the European Legal Support Center (ELSC).  

The court ruling means the German authorities are now obliged to allow the re-entry of the one-year-old child to Germany, after being separated for months from his Palestinian-Jordanian mother – a skilled worker in Germany with a valid visa permit – and forced to stay with his grandparents in Jordan.   

The case dates back to August 2024 when the baby was denied re-entry to Germany after he was initially deemed as a “security threat” in a letter from the German Embassy in Amman. Later, the German foreign ministry argued this was because of the mother’s alleged involvement with Palestine solidarity groups and an ongoing investigation by notorious German domestic intelligence service “Verfassungsschutz” (Office for the Protection of the Constitution). The ministry said while the child does not constitute a security threat to Germany, allowing the child to re-enter Germany could possibly constitute a “security risk”. This reasoning was accepted in two previous decisions by the Higher Administrative Court Berlin-Brandenburg and the Administrative Court Berlin. 

Three judges at the Constitutional Court have now decided unanimously that “..the continued refusal to allow entry exposes the complainant [the child], given his age of not even two years, to significant, irreparable harm” and ordered the Federal Republic of Germany to allow the child to enter the country. Furthermore, the court acknowledged that the previous decisions at administrative courts might constitute a breach of constitutional rights, namely the fundamental right to protection of the family (Article 6(1) and (2) sentence 1 of the German constitution). 

With this decision the family can now finally reunite after months of inhumane treatment and barely legal exploitation of migration laws.  

However, this is just a preliminary decision on the urgent appeal. The final ruling on the constitutional complaint will decide whether such separations of child and parents with unclear residency status constitutes a breach of constitutional rights, namely the fundamental right to protection of the family (Article 6(1) and (2) sentence 1 of the German constitution) or not. The decision on the parents’ residency status is also still pending at the administrative courts due to the secret services procrastination to conclude the “security investigation”. 

ELSC spokesperson Karim Bohnhoff comments: “This is an important ruling because we managed to end the family’s separation —something no one should ever have to endure. We hope this ruling will deter the German state from abusing migration laws to punish marginalised communities for their involvement in the Palestine solidarity movement and we will continue to push for a systematic change.” 

“Boiler Room you a punk ass bitch!”—Notes from the insurgency in rave culture

Anticolonial insurgency within rave culture bolsters a vibrant effort to boycott Zionist, colonial and capitalist institutions.


On a warm evening in July, cars unloaded partygoers outside Under the K Bridge, the venue hosting Boiler Room’s NYC party. They were greeted by a crowd of activists, ravers and Indigenous Land Defenders, bearing placards reading “Fuck a pro-genocide pipeline party” and “KKR colonizes, KKR kills”, referring to the hedge fund which now owns Boiler Room, along with 85+ music festivals. A TikTok records the moment an incoming ticketholder sees the protesters and learns in real time about Boiler Room’s new owner. “Don’t drop us off here!” she tells the taxi driver, amid panicked laughter.

Meanwhile, across NYC, designated counter-parties to Boiler Room at Mood Ring, Earthly Delights and Basement started opening their doors. A map of these parties had been circulated earlier on Instagram by the Boycott Room campaign, one of a rapidly expanding cluster of groups in nightlife driving the boycott of KKR-owned venues. At around 8PM, an actionist who had infiltrated Boiler Room jumped up on stage with a banner reading “Boiler Room + KKR fund genocide. Boycott now”.

“Actionists are just now recovering from the atrocious vibes of even a few minutes inside the genocide party,” Boycott Room reflected in a reel the next day. The aforementioned TikToker concurred. In an update story posted after the event, she expressed regret for entering it. “This shit high key felt like a different kind of hell. Anything related to pro genocide has an evil aura. We paid $400 for this shit. Boycott the Boiler Room.”

**

This is a snapshot of the global, anticolonial insurgency within rave culture. Autonomous direct action, mass refusal and withdrawal of labour. Expanding grassroots coalitions, growing DIY infrastructure. The humble, implacable and patient pulling at threads.

News of KKR’s acquisition of Superstruct Entertainment and its portfolio of venues had already been noted by the Flow Strike campaign in 2024. But the sale of Boiler Room to Superstruct in January 2025 brought the news to wider attention, through a virally circulated Instagram explainer by WAWOG Toronto and a direct action led by Wet’suwet’en people and Palestinians.

Six months later, the explainer and its diagram remain confronting. KKR, one of the world’s largest hedge funds, is almost comically evil. It has deep ties to the ”Israeli” colonial project—funding data, arms and land purchase companies in the entity, and the IOF itself via the ‘Friends of the IDF nonprofit. One of its Chairmen is David Petraeus, the architect of the US-led invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan and former head of the CIA. It is also the main investor in the Coastal GasLink pipeline poisoning and destroying First Nations lands in the west of Turtle Island (Canada)—making it a target of Wet’suwet’en direct action since 2020.

A few days after the post landed, three DJs—Princess Elf Bar, DJ Myna and Shannon From Admin—withdrew from a Boiler Room in Sheffield, UK. A week later, the community began reckoning with Superstruct’s ownership of festivals popular with queer and underground artists like Mighty Hoopla, Sonàr and Field Day.

In March, Boiler Room announced a merch collaboration with FC Palestina and the Sameer Project, a Palestinian led mutual aid initiative. Just hours later, after being apprised of KKR, the Sameer Project issued a statement of refusal, which remains a core moral and political compass for the movement:

“We will always say no to any kind of normalization or ties with organizations linked to zionism in any shape or form. No zionist money comes without an agenda. […] Tomorrow KKR will turn around and be on the defensive about investing in Israel by saying they donated to Gaza through one of their acquired companies. They will say this to wash away their complicity.”

From there, the revolt rapidly expanded and globalized. Seven DJs pulled out of Boiler Room Istanbul. DAYTIMERS, a British South Asian collective, withdrew from Superstruct-owned Mighty Hoopla and Lost Village. EYRA, Animistic Beliefs and dj g2g individually withdrew from Sonàr. Dozens of their peers shortly followed suit. Half the Field Day line up dropped out. KAALO, a queer/femme-led DIY collective in Nepal, publicly dropped their Boiler Room collab. The Bay Area Boiler Room was cancelled after local pressure. Around half of the stages booked at Milkshake, a queer-centred festival in the Netherlands, withdrew, with a clear material demand: “As long as a festival is owned by KKR, we will boycott. We will not accept offsets or compromises.”

New developments arrive daily. The poles and focal points of revolt are always shifting. But in recent weeks, Brazil and Puerto Rico have seen major flashpoints, with local actionists getting Boiler Room events in both Saô Paulo and San Juan cancelled. “A global event backed by a big Zionist corporation stepped back because the scene got organised” said the group in Brazil. 

“Black, Indigenous, peripheral, Palestinian and dissident people united for a greater cause.”

“We refuse to let our culture be used to whitewash genocide.”

**

The revolt is massive, global and popular. It is overwhelmingly comprised of global Majority, trans, queer and Indigenous people from the underground. Most are unpropertied and precarious. The fees they forego in the KKR boycott are often needed to pay rent.

It is militant. Its basic, entry level premises are an to end capitalism, uncompromising support for Palestinian resistance, the dismantlement of the ‘West’, pan-Indigenous liberation, death to all settler colonies, including those on Turtle Island (the ‘US’ and ‘Canada’). Deviations from Al Thawabit, the core principles of Palestinian liberation, are rare and attract immediate, organic rebuttal. It does not have leaders. Its core tactics are boycott, direct action, disruption, sabotage.

A revolt of this scale and militancy within electronic music culture was not inevitable. Clubland, particularly in Europe, has complex relationship affinities with the project of the West. The raver is often targeted for co-option into the imperial project—whether, in the West, as a symbol of freedom and disinhibition against a racialised Other; or, in the Global South, as potential conscripts into a comprador class. The Zionist entity has endlessly sought to position Tel Aviv as, per Nerdeen Kiswani, “a beacon of light—progressive, diverse and full of life…making apartheid look like a party”. Given the intersection of Operation Al-Aqsa Flood with a settler music festival, many of us braced ourselves for a grim tide of reactionary ‘PLUR’ and ‘both sides’ takes from ravers and DJs.

That this did not materialise—or, more accurately, was quickly staunched—attests, at least in part, to reservoirs of resistance and anticolonial militancy within nightlife. These have been activated by the genocide, alongside a visceral, ancestral ick at the commodification of underground culture, most grotesquely typified by the extractive, colonial dynamics of Boiler Room.

The structural position of the DJ/raver, despite efforts at recuperation, is still, it seems, generative of dissent. Like queers (also experiencing a re-radicalisation over Palestine), ravers are at once unbearably central to, yet askance of, the operations of imperial capital.

But besides these undergirding dynamics, can anything be drawn from how the movement has shaped itself—and created the conditions for the current, ongoing escalation? Why are boycotts in electronic music popping off like nowhere else in global culture?

**

No gods, no leaders

Nothing in the movement has been rolled out from above, or according to any central formulas or scripts. Decision-making is not abrogated to representative bodies. There are no intermediaries who treat or negotiate on behalf of a base. The boycott has been built through the organic accretion of autonomous acts of refusal. The energy and spirit of these refusals and actions is never workshopped or uniform. This means it avoids the overdetermined feel of NGO writing. The texts emerging are idiosyncratic, embodied, vernacular, playful, which makes them memorable and resonant—inspiring action where more top-down forms of political communication might not. The centrality of trans DJs to the movement informs this corpus: see Cultural Solidarity’s latest video, MC’d by Black trans artists on the sidelines of the NYC Boiler Room strike fundraiser:

“Boiler Room, you a punk ass bitch. You always and forever will be a punk ass bitch miss thing. You’re not tearing it, you’re not eating, your mama a bitch, your grandmama a bitch […]”

Statements learn from each other, reuse and cite text, and over time a loose, shared set of premises and parameters have developed. But there is no hegemon, no disciplinary body, no notion of copyright. This means that groups and coalitions can spring up rapidly and unceremoniously. Trust is established quickly, through action rather than deliberation, because there isn’t a strong sense (at least yet) of requisite turfs, tributes to be paid.

Holistic scope, imaginative coalitions

KKR is a universal antagonist to life—an entity which, like ‘Israel’ and ‘the US’, despoils across geographies and scales: funding the Palestinian genocide, destroying Indigenous lifeworlds, corporatising raves, privatising healthcare systems and housing. These multiple, intersecting scales lead any actionist on KKR ineluctably to an anti-capitalist, pan-Indigenous frame, providing a guard against recuperation into empire.

This is generating new coalitions which disturb the idea of the raver as a dissolute, implied White imperial subject. The revolt is not confined to the dancefloor. Remember: it was Wet’suwet’en people in Toronto who kicked off the revolt, and they continue to be heavily involved. There is no hermetic sense of the raver as distinct from other embodiments. See also the important contributions of groups like the Muslim Social Justice Initiative and Nijjormanush to the Boiler Room boycott.

Community and mutual aid

By freeing action from organizations, the endless potential of grassroots activism is revealed. Take the Bay Area. After concerted community pressure, an alliance of local collectives, operating under the moniker B.A.S.S. (Bay Area Solidarity Strike), caused so many artist withdrawals that Boiler Room San Francisco had to be cancelled. On the same day as the cancelled Boiler Room, their DIY counter-party raised over $9000, helping cover strike funds in the Bay Area and beyond as well as supporting mutual aid efforts in Gaza.

This bottom-up approach created lasting, meaningful bonds within and across communities in the Bay Area. But its impacts reverberated nonlocally, too. The B.A.S.S. initiative was rapidly reproduced in New York City (Big Apple Solidarity Strike), paving the way for their own strike fund and direct action. These precedents later informed the mass withdrawal of queer artists from Milkshake festival in the Netherlands, and the solidarity collective which emerged from it (R.U.I.S), which is based on similar DIY and anticapitalist values. In a sweet circular moment, the OG Bay Area boycotters ran a zine sale to support the Milkshake action.

These humble acts of community building, while often enacted through acts of refusal and boycott, are constructive in the most literal sense. While local, they are not parochial, creating material, transnational networks of solidarity and care.

Be reasonable, demand the impossible

The Superstruct-owned festival is uncanny and insidious. Its moniker is a dead, floating signifier, communicating vague affective hooks: queer, surfer, punk, underground. We are invited to get our monodirectional kicks in a grey strip mall of tailored experiences. The early, medieval festival, a precursor to the rave, was a space where “the world turned upside down”—one of sexual license, dissolved classes, kings becoming peasants for a day. The KKR festival is the world reaffirmed in its grim, implacable realities—a crushing acquiescence to capitalist realism.

It is precisely this realism that the movement rejects, in theory and deed. Drawing on the Wages for Housework movement of the seventies, theorist Kathi Weeks extols the power of the “utopian, unreasonable demand”—which, rather than a predestined route to narrow wins or achievable horizons—constitutes an ongoing insurgency, a “process of constituting a new subject with the desires for and the power to make new demands”.

The ambition, scope and unreasonableness of the demand—an anticapitalist rollback of the corporate takeover of rave culture—is what gives this movement potency. It also makes it effective and, yes, strategic. Consider: the news about KKR was only popularised in January. Just 7 months on, the corporate festival circuit is in ruins. DIY culture is reviving everywhere. And a system of rewards, which prioritised acquiescence, guild thinking, the collegiate co-facilitation of bag chasing, is being wrenched apart.

Abdaljawad Omar, writing on new circuits of rebellion in the refugee camps of the West Bank (The New York War Crimes, Nakba issue, 2025), writes:

“The current wave of resistance privileges the act itself—the moment of resistance—as a political assertion not necessarily embedded in a coherent project. It insists on action even in the absence of a clear horizon. This is not a failure of thought but an exposure of the limits of our inherited narratives. It answers the question “What is to be done?” simply: Act—and when you are unsure, act more.”

It is, he continues, “a form of struggle that reveals the exhaustion of inherited frameworks and insists on staying with the rupture”.

As fascism and anticolonialism recrudesce in parallel, who would bet on received patterns or lessons from the inert 2010s? No leaders have led this revolt; no strategists mapped it or predicted it, or prognosticated a pallid sequence of little wins and KPIs. Instead, by pulling at threads with humbleness, insistence and patience, a small community has brought many seemingly impregnable dynamics—commodification, competition, celebrity—to a tottering fragility. 

As the international liberal order reveals its true contours, its insinuations within club culture are also becoming apparent. The credo of capitalist realism, that things must always get worse, that we must take the despoilation of our rituals, our communities, of all that is sacred, is facing non-acceptance. The consolidation of rave culture is not inevitable. Parties and festivals do not need to grow, become brands. Boiler Room does not have a right to exist. Per DJ and journalist Arielle Lana: “These platforms, they don’t need to be like the holy grail. We can dismantle them and we’ll still survive.”

Ravers for Palestine is an anonymous collective working to foster solidarity and resistance within electronic music culture. 

Red Flag: Why Trotsky still matters, 85 years after his murder

In his weekly column, Nathaniel Flakin honors the Russian revolutionary struck down on August 20, 1940


Mural of Trotsky on a wall. The paint is cracked.

85 years ago today, Leon Trotsky was struck down by a Stalinist assassin in Coyoacán in Mexico. As his grandson recalled in 2017, this was not the first attempt on the life of the man who founded the Red Army.

I’ve never understood why anyone on the Left would tell jokes about that ice axe. You never hear “canal jokes” about Rosa Luxemburg or “shotgun jokes” about Malcolm X. 

Some might accuse Trotsky of being a “splitter” due to his struggle against Stalinism. But Malcom X was no less a “splitter,” both from Martin Luther King and from Wallace Fard Muhammad. Rosa Luxemburg was a “splitter” par excellence, breaking with the PPS, the SPD, the USPD, etc. Splits in progressive movements happen all the time—the question is: which side is right?

Conspiracy theories

Dedicated Stalinists might call Trotsky a “traitor,” based on Stalin’s accusations that Trotsky collaborated with Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan. (When Stalin was allied with Hitler, he accused Trotsky of working for the British.)

During the Great Purges, 681,692 people were executed on charges of being part of Trotsky’s counter-revolutionary conspiracy. This would have been, by an order of magnitude, the largest conspiracy in human history—George Bush personally directing Osama bin Laden would have been a piece of cake by comparison. Yet even after many decades, not a scrap of evidence has been found showing that so many communists were secretly working together with their sworn enemies.

Both Germany and Japan were defeated, with their archives ending up in the hands of the Soviets and the Americans. If there was a conspiracy, then the U.S. and Russia have been keeping Trotsky’s secrets for over 80 years. In the Nuremberg trials, Soviet prosecutors interrogated Rudolf Hess, supposedly Trotsky’s contact man in the fascist regime. Thus, Stalin himself must have been part of the coverup too.

A handful of ultra-Stalinists still try to defend the Moscow Trials. The professor of medieval English literature (not history) Grover Furr has written numerous books that claim to prove Trotsky’s guilt. Yet as Doug Greene examines in a forthcoming book, Furr admits he’s never found any evidence besides the preposterous “confessions” of people showing obvious signs of torture.

Failed theories

A more “moderate” Stalinist might acknowledge that more than a few innocent people were killed, but that the murder of Trotsky and most of the leading figures of the October Revolution was a historical necessity to defend the Soviet Union and consolidate socialism.

But as the Left Opposition pointed out at the time, the suppression of all forms of proletarian democracy could only weaken the socialist project. Looking back from a century later, we can say that “really existing socialism”—rather, the rule of a privileged bureaucratic caste—alienated the masses of workers, who made no attempt to defend a system they supposedly controlled.

This is precisely why Trotsky is relevant today. While his contributions to Marxism are too extensive for this short column, many of his ideas were not original: he merely defended ideas first put forth by Marx and Lenin about the need for a socialist revolution to be international, for example, against the failed idea of “socialism in one country.” 

Trotsky was the most important Marxist to study the bureaucratization of the Russian Revolution—a social formation that had never existed before. His analysis of this degenerated workers’ state helps understand these non-capitalist, but also non-socialist societies. 

Trotsky in Berlin

Trotsky never had a strong personal connection to Berlin—his pre-revolutionary years of exile were spent in London, Vienna, Paris, and New York. Yet much later, while he was in exile from the Soviet Union on the Turkish island of Prinkipo (today Büyükada), he wrote piercing analyses of German politics in the late 1920s and early 1930s.

Trotsky’s writings on Germany are well worth reading today, as the Far Right is once again advancing threateningly. The Left Opposition argued for a workers’ united front against fascism, as part of a revolutionary strategy to topple capitalism. Perry Anderson has called these works “the first real Marxist analysis of a twentieth century capitalist state” and “unmatched in the field of historical materialism.”

In the TV series Babylon Berlin, Berlin’s Trotskyists of the 1920s are portrayed as isolated weirdos. In real life, however, the Trotskyist movement was made up of factory workers fighting to unite the whole working class in the life-or-death struggle against the Nazis. After they lost this struggle, Trotskyists remained active in the resistance and in the concentration camps. Even though most cadres were liquidated by fascism, a few survivors rebuilt German Trotskyism after the war––and were joined by many more young people after 1968.

Today, 85 years after one of the most heinous assassinations of the 20th century, is a good day to cast aside silly stereotypes and think about what Trotsky’s ideas can offer us for the struggle against capitalism today.

Red Flag is a weekly opinion column on Berlin politics that Nathaniel has been writing since 2020. After moving through different homes, it now appears at The Left Berlin.

22-26 August 1992: Rostock-Lichtenhagen Pogrom

This week in working class history


In late August 1992, right-wing extremists converged on the Lichtenhagen neighbourhood of the northern German city of Rostock. On the 22nd of August, they first attacked the heavily under-resourced refugee centre housing Roma people who had arrived from Eastern Europe. Upon the evacuation of the refugee centre, the rioters turned to the so-called Sonnenblumenhaus, a large apartment block named for the mural of sunflowers on the side, where Vietnamese contract workers lived.

The gathered right-wingers stayed outside the Sonnenblumenhaus for several days in a celebratory atmosphere, with barbecues and beer, until on the evening of the 24th, when the police suddenly retreated. The crowd then began throwing molotov cocktails through the windows of the lower-storey apartments, and eventually broke into the building. Residents of the Sonnenblumenhaus, along with several journalists, managed to escape through the roof to a neighbouring building. Amazingly, everyone made it out alive.

These attacks took place within the context of numerous other racist and right-wing assaults across Germany at the time, alongside widespread and consistently racist coverage in mainstream German media of the supposed migration crisis at the time. The Rostock attacks themselves were broadcast live on television. The state’s response to this wave of racist violence was not to strengthen protections for migrants, but instead to severely restrict the right to asylum in Germany, which required an amendment to the Basic Law, the country’s constitution.

While the German states and many Germany institutions have been slow to recognise what happened in August 1992, after decades of debate and grassroots organising, the events are now widely recognised as a pogrom. This recognition marks an important acknowledgment of the structural racism that created the conditions for Rostock-Lichtenhagen, while the various arms of the state stood back and watched.

We can no longer tolerate German journalists relativising genocide

Statement on the murder of Anas Al-Sharif


17/08/2025

On the night of August 10th, Al-Jazeera journalist Anas al-Sharif was murdered in Gaza City by the Israeli occupation force. The press tent was hit by rockets, as he and his team were live-reporting on Israel’s intense bombardment of Gaza City, shortly after the Israeli cabinet announced renewed military occupation of Gaza City. 

The asassination of Anas al-Sharif and rest of the Al-Jazeera team in Gaza highlights Israel’s intent to suppress any accountability of its genocidal project. 

We commemorate Anas al-Sharif and fellow reporters Mohammed Qreiqeh, Ibrahim Zaher, Mohammed Noufal, Moamen Aliwa, and Mohammed al-Khaldi. We commemorate 212 journalists (according to International Federation of Journalists, of which Verdi trade union is an affiliate) from Gaza who have been killed by Israel since 2023.

Instead of condemning these blatant war crimes, different media outlets in Germany and even the media branches of Ver.di trade union (DJU) started a smear campaign, describing al-Sharif as affiliated with Hamas without evidence. The federal DJU statement defers to the Israeli military assertion without challenging its conjecture. While a moderate critique of the Israeli military’s actions was presented, the large part of the piece smeared al-Sharif’s legacy without evidence. All critical comments on the Instagram official statement (including ours) were deleted, and requests for comments from internal communications were given lip-service.

Even more disturbingly; the regional Berlin-Brandenburg branch of DJU outright endorses the assassination of al-Sharif. In contrast, the DJV (another media union) reported on the facts.

In 2018, the Israeli military assassinated Yaser Murtaja, similarly claiming he was a Hamas militant. Seven years later, the Israeli military has yet to provide any public evidence. More than 200 journalists have been killed in Gaza since 2023. With a military-blockade on foreign journalists from entering Gaza, the only reporting possible is from the brave journalists on the ground who know a target is painted on their back. 

This is a political failure in Germany on multiple levels. Journalists and trade unionists alike should be asking the tough questions, doing diligent investigative reporting and hold power accountable. Instead, many see it as their job to uplift and parrot Israeli military statements without analysis.

As members of ver.di and its media branch, DJU, we can no longer tolerate the DJU relativising Israel’s genocide on Gaza, and attacking our comrades and colleagues who stand up for the people of Palestine with false accusations. The smear campaigns promoted by Jörg Reichel in Berlin play an instrumental role in repressing the Palestine solidarity movement both in Germany and Gaza. Our complicity with genocide should be replaced with solidarity. Our union membership dues should fund protection of journalism, not the glorification of war crimes.