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Love & sexuality

A Marxist analysis

“I don’t need paradise Leo, nor eternal love.

I want a world so reasonable that one can live in it as a human being.”

Rosa Luxemburg, 1899

It’s one of humanity’s oldest illusions that love exists outside of history and regardless of the relations of production. We like to believe the heart “follows no rules” as if it floated above the material world. But the heart beats in a body that works, eats, suffers, and survives within social relations. And that means love, even in its most tender form, is shaped by the world in which it lives.

We don’t love in a vacuum. Our tenderness, jealousy, and sense of “home” are not timeless emotions. They are historical products, changing with the way we produce and reproduce life. As Marx wrote, even our most intimate feelings are “social relations expressed in persons.”

When Engels argued in “The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State” that the monogamous family arose from the man’s need to pass on his property, he wasn’t saying love is a lie. He was saying it is formed by property, labour, and power. Therefore, it can be changed by changing the material conditions.

From sharing to inheritance

Early hunter-gatherer societies shared resources, childcare, and responsibility. There was no concept of “mine and yours,” and no family unit in the modern sense. Love and care were part of collective life. Engels called this stage “primitive communism” a time before class domination, when production and reproduction were shared.

Humans lived as nomadic peoples back then. Accordingly, the accumulation of possessions would have been disadvantageous. They tended to live more from hand to mouth. The idea of private property did not exist back then.

That changed with the rise of agriculture and herding. People began to settle, cultivate, and accumulate.

The invention of the plough in particular enabled humans, for the first time, to produce surpluses. Operating the plough was physically demanding work that was hardly possible during pregnancy and breastfeeding. Before that, women had been able to gather and hunt even while pregnant. With the invention of the plough, the division of labour changed fundamentally. Friedrich Engels described this development as “The world-historic defeat of the female sex.” 

This was the birth of private property, and with it, the first great divide: production became men’s domain, reproduction women’s. The family emerged as the basic unit of ownership. The woman, once a co-producer, became responsible for the reproduction. And love became a function of inheritance.

This new concept of property demanded heirs. In order to determine the line of inheritance, it had to be clear who the two progenitors were. This resulted in the regulation of female sexuality.

Surplus created storage; storage created ownership and new roles within the society. Some produced the surplus others coordinated it. This new role of administration was the very first start of classes. Some started to gain control over the surplus while others produced it. 

What had once been a communal relation became a private institution. The family taught obedience, possession, and moral duty preparing people for a world organised by domination. The so-called “natural” roles of man and woman were anything but natural. They were historical tools for stabilising property and hierarchy.

The moral economy of marriage

Ancient societies built entire states on this logic. In Greece, the citizen was “free” only because others were not. Men debated in public; women were confined to the house, their bodies part of the machinery of reproduction. Rome perfected this system: the pater familias owned not just land and slaves, but his wife and children. Marriage was a legal contract, not a romantic choice.

When feudalism replaced the empires this logic stayed, only now, God was its guarantor. The Church sanctified property through marriage. What had been a contract became a „sacrament“. Behind the holiness of the family stood the same economics: inheritance, land, and lineage.

The troubadours of the Middle Ages invented “courtly love,” that great European myth of passion and virtue. But it was never a real emancipation, just a poetic mask. Knights sang of love to ennoble themselves, not to challenge the system. The lady was muse, not equal.

In this world, the woman’s chastity secured property; her silence kept peace. Feudal morality turned economic dependence into moral duty. The poorer you were, the more “virtuous” you were expected to be.

Industrial love and bourgeois rebranding

With capitalism came the factory and a new family form. The industrial revolution separated what had long been connected: home from labour.

The bourgeois family became the smallest cell of capitalist reproduction. The man went out to work for wages; the woman worked inside, unpaid. 

At the same time marriage was no longer just an economic arrangement; it was supposed to be about “choice,” “feeling,” “the heart.” But this freedom mirrored the market itself. The free love of the bourgeoisie was simply the free competition of capitalism, dressed up as romance.

Love became the emotional compensation for alienated work. The home was a small oasis in a world of profit and exhaustion. But the price of that illusion was high. Women’s unpaid labour childcare, cooking, cleaning, care work became a hidden foundation of industrial wealth.

The idea of “romantic love” was, in truth, a rebranding of the idea of a family functioning for the production. The product was the same as before gendered division of labour but now it came with a prettier label. He earns, she cares, both perform. The marketing campaign was so successful that we still believe it.

The idea of family and gender roles changes with the change of the ‘Relations of Production’. 

Swiping left – a new era of intimacy?

Today, the old structures wear new masks. The factory walls have fallen for many, but the work hasn’t disappeared –  it’s just moved into our homes, our devices, and even our emotions. The flexible worker must also be a flexible lover.

The contemporary self is a brand. We curate, optimise, sell ourselves. Dating apps promise endless choice and algorithmic destiny, yet what they deliver is a new kind of conformity. Desire is endless, but connection is rare.

We are no longer bound by law or religion but by comparison by the constant demand to be desirable, independent, self-sufficient. Relationships become joint ventures; breakups resemble business dissolutions. Care work is sometimes outsourced, underpaid, and still feminised. The promise of equality has not abolished dependence, it has privatised it.

New forms of relationships

In Germany, alternative relationship structures such as polyamory, open relationships, and co-parenting arrangements have gained increasing visibility in recent years. While reliable prevalence data remain limited, surveys indicate a growing openness toward non-monogamous relationship models. For example, a 2022 YouGov survey found that about 10–15% of respondents in Germany reported that they could imagine being in a non-monogamous relationship, while younger respondents were significantly more open to such arrangements. At the same time, Germany has experienced substantial increases in housing costs and general living expenses over the past decade, particularly in large urban areas. 

Within changing material conditions, new relationship forms such as polyamory are neither a coincidence nor an escape from the system. As rents rise and the cost of living becomes unaffordable for many, it is increasingly impossible for people to plan for children or to establish families in the traditional sense. Out of these material contradictions, new ideas emerge. It is understandable that concepts such as polyamory and co-parenting are gaining traction precisely in these crisis stages of capitalism. For many, this may even appear to be a progressive way out of the constraints of capitalism. Yet they too are a consequence of material conditions. The idea of creating an island in the sea of capitalism may seem like an acceptable solution for individuals; however, within a system based on exploitation and oppression, we can neither live freely nor love freely, because we continue to move within its predetermined structures. Regardless of whether these conditions lead people to choose more progressive relationship models. 

At the same time, a reactionary movement can be observed regarding the expression of family life and gender roles. On social media in particular, there has been a growing visibility of so-called “tradwives” and “alpha male” influencers who promote a return to traditional relationship models and gender hierarchies. These conservative family structures and role expectations can also be interpreted in connection with broader processes of militarization and rearmament. A society that prepares for military conflict often relies on and reproduces more rigid and conservative gender roles. More broadly, periods of crisis within capitalism tend to produce social polarization, which is also reflected in the organization and imagination of intimate relationships.

Every historical era produces the forms of relationships it economically requires.

How to liberate Love

To love freely, we must live freely. That doesn’t mean moral liberation; it means transforming the material basis of life. When work is no longer coercion, love no longer needs to be compensation.

Love, in this sense, is not a sentimental issue. It’s a question of the material conditions and the production relations. 

If, as Marx wrote,  ‘being’ determines consciousness, then a different kind of being –  collective provision, time, and security will produce a different kind of love. This isn’t romantic idealism; it’s political realism.

The bourgeois world sold us love as a brand for work and hierarchy. To change the branding we must change the system itself. Otherwise we only create islands to escape without realizing that there is no way to escape. When property and exploitation recede, love changes, too. It stops being the branding of a system and becomes the practice of solidarity.

Only then can Luxemburg’s dream become reality, not an eternal love, but a world so rational, so just, that we can finally live, and love, in it as human beings.

Half a million united against racism

Two reports and two photo galleries from the Together Alliance demonstration in London, 28 March 2026

Report #1 from Dave Gilchrist

Anti-racist activists in the UK used to look to France and Italy—at the rise of the Rassemblement National and various Italian far-right parties—and argue that Britain had already defeated its own equivalents: the National Front, then the British National Party, and later the English Defence League. It was true: we had.

For readers in Germany, this trajectory may feel familiar. The period in which far-right forces appeared marginal has given way to a renewed and more complex threat, combining electoral advance with street-level mobilisation. As in Germany—with the rise of the Alternative for Germany alongside networks of extra-parliamentary activism—Britain now faces a similar dual dynamic.

In the UK, this takes the form of the growing far-right populist party Reform UK, led by Nigel Farage, alongside a street movement organised by Stephen Yaxley-Lennon, better known as Tommy Robinson. Robinson mobilised 100,000 people on the streets of London last year, and Reform UK looks set to perform strongly in the local elections in May, with some already speculating about its longer-term electoral prospects.

This year has seen hundreds of far-right mobilisations in towns across the country, most often protests outside hotels housing asylum seekers. These echo the localised protests and agitation seen in parts of eastern Germany, where refugee accommodation has become a focal point for far-right organising. In Britain, the vast majority of these actions have been countered by Stand Up To Racism and other local anti-racist groups. SUTR held over 450 counter protests from February 2025 to February this year.

It was the shock of Robinson’s large demonstration—during which the Stand Up To Racism counter-protest was physically threatened—that galvanised activists into further action. In response, the Together Alliance was formed, bringing together a broad coalition from civil society opposed to the far right. Its aim was singular: to mobilise the largest possible numbers against them.

The date was set for 28 March, timed to fall close to International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination and to coincide with the “No Kings” protests in the United States.

The mobilisation proved a major success, with around 500,000 people protesting on the day—an intervention that may be of interest in Germany, where debates continue about how to translate widespread opposition to the AfD into sustained mass mobilisation. Trade unions played a central role, particularly the National Education Union and the University and College Union, with the NEU’s leadership proving especially important. Other unions also brought substantial numbers, including Unison and Unite the Union.

Another notable presence was the leftward-moving Green Party of England and Wales, and its charismatic leader Zack Polanski, which mobilised a significant contingent. This broad alignment—from trade unions to environmentalists, faith groups, and grassroots organisations—offers a contrast to the more fragmented landscape often discussed in Germany.

Many others joined, ranging from the Woodcraft Folk to activists in the fashion world and numerous public figures. The demonstration included LGBT+, environmental, and Christian blocs—significant given the far right’s attempts, in both Britain and Germany, to instrumentalise cultural and religious identities.

The Palestine solidarity movement, including many Muslim organisations, also played an important role, organising a feeder march of around 50,000 people that joined the main demonstration and was met with enthusiasm and a strong sense of unity.

At the core of all this was Stand Up To Racism, which played a vital organising role throughout.

What happens next for the Together Alliance remains open. There is a danger that it could be drawn too heavily into electoral organising. The role of socialists will therefore be crucial in maintaining a focus on mass mobilising—on the streets and in the workplace.

However, speaking to many activists, it is clear that much of the gloom and fear surrounding the rise of the right has lifted. As Weyman Bennett of Stand Up To Racism has often said: we beat them before, and we will do so again.

Report #2 by Anna (old enough) and Lyra (aged 10)

Billed by odious far right commentator Charlotte Gill as a “hate march”, and far right crank “journalist” Melanie Phillips as a “terrorist march” (in a now-deleted post on Twitter) the Together Alliance march was really a march of love. Along with many others across the country, we attended the march, travelling down to London from West Yorkshire. 

500,000 people (or thereabouts, we couldn’t count them all) marched in London this Saturday against the racism, hate and division spread by the far right. Enthusiastic delegations from every trade union were present. Greens marched with revolutionaries and Labour Party members. There were LGBTQ+ demonstrators, Muslim demonstrators and LGBTQ+ Muslim demonstrators. Refugees and school kids felt safe to attend, and were embraced by the march. Firefighters marched holding pride progress flags. Health union members proclaimed solidarity with migrant workers. A key theme of the march was solidarity with refugees. Educators marched with a sound system playing The Clash and chanted anti-Farage chants (Lyra’s favourite contingent to march with). Brass bands played as well as samba bands. Morris dancers were there morris dancing. A big Palestine Solidarity contingent joined the march and many demonstrators wore keffiyehs and chanted “free Palestine”. Disabled activists led the march. This was the diverse working class at its very best. 

In terms of opposition, there was a pitiful far right gathering that we didn’t see, and  at one point we encountered a solitary woman running back and forth through the demo shouting “long live Israel!” and being ignored by the marchers. We assume she was trying to provoke a reaction. 

Lyra says: “the march was so massive, I was stressed by how many people were there until we started moving. There were lots of dogs on the march, and people from lots of different groups. It was so big that we couldn’t find our union branch. It’s good that there are lots of anti racists, even if it was stressful and my mum made me carry a flag”. 

The march gave us hope and confidence, it was a relief to outnumber the far right. It has sometimes felt that their rise is unstoppable. In September last year, fascist Tommy Robinson’s ‘Unite the Kingdom’ event drew 100,000 people onto the streets. We outnumbered them this weekend and we need to keep outnumbering them. It helps to see that there are a lot of good people who care enough to stand up and be counted. We now need to build on that sense of renewed confidence and organise in our workplaces and communities. Big marches are uplifting (perhaps not if you’re Lyra), but we’ll need to do more to defeat the far right and drive them out of public life. Next socialists in Britain need to drive the far right dregs of UKIP out of Leeds on 25th April, oppose Tommy Robinson’s next planned hate march in London on 16th May, and also work to stop the rise of the racist, anti-worker Reform party in the May elections and beyond. There’s work to be done. We’re ready.

Photo Gallery 1: Guy Smallman www.guysmallman.com

Photo Gallery 2: Dave Gilchrist

6 April 2008 – Textile workers strike in Mahalla, Egypt

This week in working class history

On Sunday, 6th April 2008, textile workers in Mahalla el-Kubra in the Nile Delta struck against rising inflation, food prices and low wages. This led to a heated battle with riot police and security forces. President Hosni Mubarak responded by sending in thousands of troops to crush the so-called “Mahalla Intifada”. The inhabitants of Mahalla responded by two days of rioting. After police attacked a demonstration with rubber bullets, 40,000 demonstrated in a city with 500,000 inhabitants.

The Mahalla uprising had its roots in the Egyptian solidarity movement with the Palestinian Intifada in 2000, which saw the biggest demonstrations in Egypt in a generation. One of the slogans of those demonstrations was: “The road to Jerusalem passes through Cairo”. Demonstrators, many of whom were too frightened of repression to fight for themselves, asked why the Mubarak government was doing nothing to help the Palestinians. At the time, Egypt was Israel’s main supplier of gas.

In 2006, the mainly female workers in Mahalla went on strike for three days after the Egyptian government failed to deliver promised pay rises for public sector workers. One year later, there was another garment workers’ strike across the Nile Delta. Workplace action both, hit Egyptian capitalism in the pocket and was able to protect people protesting against Mubarak’s dictatorship. Before 1990 strikes were unthinkable. They were now a central part of the resistance’s armoury.

Mahalla was a catalyst. Interviewed by The Left Berlin about Mahalla, Egyptian journalist Hossam el-Hamalawy said: “The news and images of the riots got out to everyone, who saw people from Mahalla stamping their feet on Mubarak posters. And this signaled the beginning of the end of the Mubarak dictatorship. Strikes were now happening everywhere, to the extent that newspapers were full of business experts who complained about the “plague of strikes” that had engulfed Egypt.”

The 2008 Mahalla strike was not fully successful, but it was an inspiration. The police were able to suppress the strike, but were powerless against the uprising which followed. A “facebook strike” in solidarity with the Mahalla textile workers helped unite the strikers with radical students. Less than three years later, a mass wave of action overthrew Mubarak. We know that the Egyptian revolution is unfinished, but Mahalla helps to show how it could be completed.

“From the River to the Sea” defendant acquitted

Repression in Berlin – report #6

This week, a higher court acquitted a comrade previously convicted of condoning Hamas’ October 7th attacks for shouting “From the River to the Sea, Palestine Will be Free.”

On October 11, 2023, dozens of people demonstrated outside the Ernst-Abbe secondary school in response to news of a teacher hitting a student for carrying a Palestinian flag. During the rally, activist Ava M. was arrested for saying “From the River to the Sea, Palestine Will be Free,” a phrase globally used by the Palestinian liberation movement since the 1960s.

In August 2024, in a seminal ruling, the Berlin court declared that the phrase condones Hamas’ October 7th attacks and denies the Zionist state’s right to exist, fining Ava €600 for incitement and disturbing the public peace. Although the phrase has been de facto banned in Germany by the Ministry of Interior as a “Hamas slogan,” this was the first time that a Berlin court ruled on the legal grounds, setting a shocking precedent for the repression of the Palestine solidarity movement. Similar cases across the country had resulted in positive rulings, protecting the phrase as free speech under German law.

Upon further review, an appellate court has now ruled that the slogan’s multifaceted nature and use by various groups casts too big of a question mark on its true meaning, and that when in doubt, the court is obliged to prioritize freedom of speech. Although the judge made it clear just how offensive he finds the phrase, he conceded that it may have meanings other than the destruction of Israel or the Jewish people.

The Epstein files psyop

A class analysis of the Epstein files and their release


28/03/2026

Protestors at the Good Trouble Protest in DC in 2025 celebrating the spirit of John Lewis, civil rights activist dating back to the 60s. One person holds up a huge banner with the words "Release the Jeffrey Epstein files NOW. Republicans support pedophiles." Another, in the foreground holds a small sign saying "This is not a left or right moment. It's a right or wrong moment."

CW: This piece includes passing references to the concept of child rape along with other disturbing topics found in the Epstein files.

I enjoy a good conspiracy theory as much as anyone, and have written about the ontology of conspiracies before. At their core, they reflect an utter disillusionment with society’s institutions, and what better example than this? Q-anon and Pizza Gate walked so the actual Epstein files could run. 

So as my algorithm led me down increasingly conspiratorial rabbit holes, all of this had me wondering: What are we as leftists to make of the way the files have been released? What about their sudden virality and the inundation of commentary on platforms known for their censorship in line with the ruling class?

The release of the Epstein files

In case you missed it, on 30 January, the US Dept of Justice released 3.5 million files related to the investigation of convicted pedophile and child sex trafficker, Jeffrey Epstein. Many are heavily redacted, and reports abound of them suspiciously disappearing from the database. They contain details of heinous acts of the rich and powerful—from princes to politicians to academics and all sorts of other public figures. The acts, which legal experts say constitute crimes against humanity, are ineffably horrifying, including rape, torture, and child slavery. Yet, with each new suspected scandal and act of depravity revealed in the files, we start to become desensitized to the point that pedophilia and sex trafficking are no longer enough to shock or inspire outrage.

Notably, my feed has also been flooded with online pontificators basically just free-associating that every unsolved mystery and crisis of the 21st century—from 9/11 to the 2008 recession—was singlehandedly caused by Epstein himself. We each get caught in our own siloed rabbit holes dissecting the files, while nothing is being done and no one is being punished. It can even leave you with a sense that those featured in the files don’t care—or are even proud of their heinous crimes. In emails riddled with typos, they glibly quip about pizza and grape soda (many speculate to be code for child rape), and videos have been circulating of Bill Clinton laughing during a deposition hearing as he looks through incriminating photos of him and his buddies in the Epstein files as if he’s flipping through a scrapbook. 

The anatomy of a psyop

The combined proliferation of horrifying content in the files and lack of public action are worth noting. This is particularly so when we examine some of the hallmarks of psychological influence operations, as disseminated on the internet and social media. (Read more about recent examples like the propagation of online culture wars in the US and Pentagon-backed influence operations).

There is no single definition of such operations, but they are generally implemented with the objective of shaping the attitudes, emotions, beliefs, and behaviors of a target population. You can find some of their core characteristics as follows:

  • Emotional flooding: Content that elicits disgust, rage, or fear instantly when you see it.
  • Narrative compression: Simplifying the narrative so that it fits neatly into an easily-digestible story format.
  • Authority fog: Lack of informational transparency and a proliferation of theories that are difficult to trace.
  • Time pressure: A sense that one must act now, as access to information might be revoked.
  • Isolation language: Cultivating a sense that those engaging in the conspiracy theory are ‘awake’ while everyone else remains ‘asleep’. 

Taking these features into account, now let’s connect them to the release of the Epstein files.

The public is flooded with millions of documents containing extremely distressing content. The fact that many keep getting removed from the database produces a sense of urgency to inundate oneself with disturbing emails, videos, and images before they are gone. We reach a point where nothing surprises us anymore, and it’s easier to become conditioned to any number of outlandish conspiracies as a way of making sense of things. (Was Michael Jackson really a noble defender of children, and the Epstein crew conspired to kill him? Is the Jim Carrey we see now actually a clone because Epstein had him killed for speaking out? Who can say for sure!) Well-meaning people who have immersed themselves in trying to analyze the files slowly become isolated and detached from reality. What’s more, all of this produces a sense that every crisis and unsolved mystery can be traced back to a handful of particularly bad guys.

Class analysis of the file release

The ruling class has pretty well-developed techniques for propagandizing and narrative control through mass media. As Gramsci puts it, 

…crisis creates situations which are dangerous in the short run, since the various strata of the population are not all capable of orienting themselves equally swiftly, or of reorganizing with the same rhythm. The traditional ruling class, which has numerous trained cadres, changes men and programmes and, with greater speed than is achieved by the subordinate classes, reabsorbs the control that was slipping from its grasp.

In other words, if the ruling classes can no longer contain scandals that might produce catastrophic levels public outcry, they can weaponize them to keep us down instead by making us feel desensitized, distracted, and powerless to change anything. On behalf of Trump and his cronies, it appears that the Department of Justice has repeatedly violated the Epstein Files Transparency Act. The DOJ has continuously kept victims’ names unredacted while simultaneously covering up key information that would incriminate powerful people.

Thus, we must take a critical view of how the files have been released, as conspiracies serve the function of diverting people from reaching class consciousness. They take those who are so close to the point—to being radicalized—and divert their focus to specific, moloch-worshipping cannibals, rather than a ruling class upheld through the specific material relations of capitalism. It’s easier to imagine a few wicked ghouls are behind everything than to question the system that allowed them to accumulate the power to act with impunity. In truth, reality is even scarier than conspiracy. 

In addition to being brazen forms of patriarchal violence, these crimes are acts of class warfare through the rape and torture of poor and working class children on a mass scale. In fact, participating in such acts seems to be the price of entry to the inner circles of the elites: enacting the most depraved crimes against our own—the most innocent and vulnerable among us at that. As if these horrific acts are ways of asserting they don’t abide by the most basic norms of decency practiced by us lowly plebians, and that they are powerful enough to get away with anything. Along with live-streamed genocide and ever-expanding levels of authoritarian repression, this is what the ruling class has decided will be normal.

In short, we don’t need conspiracies to explain away the horrors perpetrated by the elites because they are baked into the system that enables them. To return to Gramsci, now is the time of monsters: the barbarous excesses of capitalism itself.