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Citizenship Reform: Modernisation for some – for others, not so much

Germany’s new proposed citizenship laws are a step in the right direction, but fails to fully recognise the needs of non-Germans


11/11/2023

As part of the governing coalition’s plans to reform immigration, the Ministry for Internal Affairs (Bundesministerium des Innern und für Heimat, BMI) headed by Nancy Faeser (SPD) published a draft of amendments to citizenship law on 23 August 23 2023. The BMI calls its plan a ‘modernisation of citizenship law’ with the purported intention of making Germany more attractive and welcoming to immigrants.

Presently, German citizenship law grants citizenship through five channels: birth (to at least one German parent), declaration, assumption in childhood, members of German minority groups abroad who re-settle in Germany, and naturalisation (Einbürgerung). The amendments to the current law mostly pertain to naturalisation—the process of assuming a new nationality as a foreign citizen, of which there are 11.6 million in Germany. 

Under current law, citizenship by naturalisation is available to foreigners who have neither been convicted of nor are presently involved in prosecution for high-level criminal offences; have secured a place to live; and have achieved ‘integration into the German way of life’. They must also either have cohabitated with a German spouse for at least three years, or have lived in Germany for a minimum of 8 years, in that time posing no threat to public safety and order; present evidence of secure means to support themselves and any dependents without social assistance; give up prior citizenships; and demonstrate ‘sufficient knowledge’ of German language and civics.

Suggested amendments in the recently published draft include:

  • waiving citizenship tests and scaling back language proficiency requirements for former Gastarbeiter
  • automatic citizenship for children born in Germany provided at least one parent has lived in Germany for five years and has permanent residency
  • a shortened minimum residency from eight years to five
  • and, perhaps most eagerly anticipated of all, the right to dual citizenship.

Germany lags behind much of the world in its acceptance of multiple nationalities. According to Maastricht University’s Global Dual Citizenship Database, over 76% of nations have a positive policy toward plural citizenship. The database has documented a consistent increase in acceptance of multiple citizenship over the past several decades. 

For many living in Germany, renouncing one’s original citizenship could pose an array of problems, such as endangering ease of contact with family and infringing upon a sense of personal identity. 

While it is difficult to establish how many foreigners in Germany have abstained from naturalisation in favour of keeping their original citizenship, 5.3 million of them live in Germany long-term (i.e., at least ten years). One such individual is Berlin-based software tester Tekin. Despite a light but distinctly German Franconian accent, Tekin is a Turkish citizen.

‘I was born here, I went to school here, everything—despite that, I can’t vote. As soon as having a second passport is allowed, I’ll apply for it.’ Tekin has found the rise of the extreme right in Germany particularly distressing and is planning a two-month trip to Turkey to cope. ‘I feel so uneasy in Germany now. Every third person seems to be voting for the AfD and is therefore an incognito Nazi.’ An unwelcoming homeland and powerlessness to enact change democratically highlight the importance of both citizenships for Tekin. 

Statista records Turkish nationals as the largest non-German minority in the nation at 1.5 million. If all 85 million people living in Germany had the right to vote, they would make up 1.8% of the voting population, with foreigners overall making up 14%.

Data on foreign nationals’ forecasted party alignment is scarce. However, a 2021 study in Duisburg found that German citizens with a Turkish background (either naturalised citizens or with at least one Turkish parent) were most likely to vote SPD (4% more so than those with no personal or familial immigration background). Participants also reported an incidence of voting for the Linke four times higher than that of those with no immigration background and a low incidence of voting for the AfD. 

It remains to be seen how expedited naturalisation will be reflected in the German political landscape, but the represented parties shared their positions on the drafted amendments upon proposal this past May. From within the ruling coalition, the Green party hopes that the changes will make Germany a ‘more attractive’ immigration hub. The SPD placed emphasis on the need for double citizenship, while the FDP primarily cited the ostensible workforce crisis as a motivation for easing the path to citizenship.

The Linke notes that while immigration in Germany rises, naturalisation rates have stagnated. The party positions itself against exclusion from citizenship based on socioeconomic status, language skills, and civics tests, and stands behind implementing a right to dual citizenship.  

To their point, applicants would not necessarily be denied citizenship for rightfully receiving social assistance. In addition, among the new amendments is the further reduction of the residency period from 5 to 3 years for ‘special integration efforts’ among which are listed excellent school achievement, C1 language knowledge, and volunteer efforts. Applicants are meant to meet conditions that are not imposed on ordinary Germans.

The BMI defines ‘integration’ as ‘a process with the goal of including all who live in Germany long term and legally in society…Immigrants have the obligation to learn the German language, to know, respect and follow the constitution and the law.’ It further states that integration gives immigrants the same chances and access to civil participation as native citizens.

The emphasis on ‘integration’ extends to the implementation of an Einbürgerungsfeier (citizenship ceremony). The Einbürgerungsfeier is one of several elements to the BMI’s new immigration package drawn from Canadian citizenship law. Canadian immigration policy awards points largely based on qualifications and existing job offers within Canada, but also deducts points for other factors such as age [1]. After five years, immigrants are permitted to apply for citizenship. The citizenship ceremony in Canada is a symbolic event at which successful applicants take an oath declaring their new citizenship.

Canada is far from a multicultural paradise, as was laid bare in past years when atrocities of residential schools were exposed to the world, and when right-wing demonstrations took hold during the pandemic. Yet, it does have some cultural advantages where Germany has deficits which may have been lost in translation during the BMI’s consultation on Canadian immigration policy, and which will be difficult to remedy with a state-mandated party.

95% of Canadians are non-indigenous and thus have a history of immigration. Canada is sometimes described as a cultural ‘mosaic’ to differentiate it from the US ‘melting pot’. If the US-American historical approach to immigration and naturalisation has been ‘anyone can become American’, Canada’s is ‘many different people are Canadian’. The elementary school curriculum in Ontario, Canada’s most populated province, prescribes the acknowledgement of Canada as a nation of immigrants and encourages students’ discussion of their own heritage and immigration history, where applicable. Global citizenry is introduced as a concept as early as age six, with asylum-seeking and immigration the following year. Cultural coexistence is not only an academic affair; an estimated 4.6 million Canadians speak a non-official language at home and around half of residents in Toronto, the nation’s largest city, are immigrants. Equivalent information is difficult to find in Germany, partly because of restrictive policies on data collection regarding race and cultural background.

Moreover, the recent quashing of demonstrations in support of Palestine call into question Germany’s preparedness as a society to welcome diversity. It raises concerns surrounding what actions could be seen as ‘failed integration’. Middle East Eye reported an estimate of up to 100,000 Palestinians and descendants in Germany with 25,000 in Berlin alone, making it home to one of the largest Palestinian diaspora outside the Middle East. Despite Palestinian families making up a significant minority in Germany, recent events have illuminated legislative and social rigidity regarding cultural acceptance. The keffiyeh, a scarf culturally significant to Palestinians, is banned in Berlin schools. In another incident, a dispute over a student bringing a Palestinian flag to school resulted in a teacher punching a 15-year-old student in the face. 

A shortened wait before becoming a citizen and a positive policy move toward dual citizenship are encouraging and necessary changes. Nonetheless, as Berlin internationals watch increasingly unbridled oppression of free speech unfold in the streets, they may be forced to wonder if their resistance could prove burdensome on their pathway to citizenship. All the while, Faeser crams a mosaic of traffic onto a one-lane assimilation street—without the infrastructure to support Germany in integrating into a multicultural society, the nation is unlikely to become more welcoming and ‘attractive’ to non-German citizens through policy alone.

The draft is now in the Bundestag, where changes can be suggested. Official dates for the law to come into effect have yet to be announced, but the BMI projects it will be finished ‘in the first six months of 2024’.

Tekin eagerly awaits becoming a citizen of the country they call home, voicing frustration with their exclusion from politics. ‘It doesn’t matter what I achieve here, as long as I’m not German on paper, I can’t partake in decision-making. My future is in the hands of others. And it’s not looking good.’ Even in the best of cases, they have reservations about the social impact—or lack thereof—that a German passport will bring.

‘Germany doesn’t give me a feeling of belonging…even when I’m ‘‘officially’’ German, I’ll still be a foreigner to others, despite being born and raised here. And in Turkey, I’m an Almanci. I’m not a German in Germany, I’m not a Turk in Turkey—I’m Tekin.’

Footnotes

  1.  I, a Canadian citizen, scored 341 out of a possible 1200 points; 110 were due to being 28 years old.

Open Letter | Oyoun must stay!

An open letter from Oyoun cultural center, in response to response to the Berlin Minister of Culture’s attempt to discontinue its funding because it hosted a Jewish organisation.


10/11/2023

Deutsche Version folgt

Since the Cultural Committee (Kulturausschuss) meeting on 6 November 2023, it is official: Berlin’s Senator for Culture Joe Chialo (CDU) is examining measures under subsidy law to discontinue funding for Oyoun. The far-right AfD has expressed its gratitude.

We call on the Berlin Senate to continue funding the state-owned cultural centre at Lucy-Lameck-Straße 32 in Berlin-Neukölln.

Since 2020, this venue has been called “Oyoun” and today employs 32, mostly marginalised, staff and fellows. Oyoun is an important venue in the intersectional art and culture scene, which primarily focuses on queer*feminist, migrant and decolonial perspectives and has already received several international awards for its work. In 2023, there were 5,872 requests to use the space, and 580 events took place over 327 days with approx. 82,100 visitors..

It is impossible to imagine cosmopolitan Berlin without Oyoun—but its existence is acutely under threat.

The impending closure of Oyoun was provoked by an event that took place on 4 November 2023 on the premises of Oyoun: an evening of “mourning and hope” by the organisation Jewish Voice for a Just Peace in the Middle East, the German section of the international umbrella group European Jews for a Just Peace. The association is dedicated to “informing about the necessity and possibility of a just peace between Palestine and Israel” and “actively working towards the realisation of a lasting peace that is viable for both nations”. In 2019, the organisation was awarded the Göttingen Peace Prize.

Oyoun had rejected the Berlin Senate’s request to cancel the event and explained its decision in a statement.

The cancellation of Oyoun’s funding would mark the end of freedom of speech and artistic freedom in Germany.

On 22 October 2023, 100 Jewish artists, writers and academics based in Germany signed an open letter “As our Arab and Muslim neighbours are beaten and silenced, we fear the atmosphere in Germany has become more dangerous—for Jews and Muslims alike—than at any time in the nation’s recent history. We condemn these acts committed in our names. We further call on Germany to adhere to its own commitments to free expression and the right to assembly as enshrined in its Basic Law.”

All these people should have the opportunity, within the framework of freedom of expression, to speak together and publicly, to mourn and enter into dialogue with one another. It seems ironic when Jewish people and groups are labelled or even defamed as anti-Semitic by German politicians and media.

However, on 31 October 2023, the Green parliamentary group published a press release entitled “Funding for Oyoun must be ended (Förderung von Oyoun muss beendet werden)“, in which MP Susanna Kahlefeld accuses the cultural centre Oyoun of acting in an antisemitic manner. Oyoun considers these accusations groundless and explicitly rejects them. Already on 1 November 2023, the Senator for Culture announced in the Berliner Zeitung that he would “fundamentally review the financial support of Oyoun […] to quickly come to a conclusion and take action”, after the Berlin Senate refused to talk to Oyoun six times.

The cancellation of funding means the end of an organisation that actively practises anti-discrimination and social criticism and contributes to Berlin’s religious, cultural, ethnic and political plurality.

Freedom of expression and artistic freedom also uphold the internationalism and cosmopolitanism of cultural life in Germany. It is the task and duty of publicly funded cultural venues to reflect diversity of opinions. Democracy needs places where marginalised, intersectional, pluralistic perspectives are presented and discussed in society, art and culture.

A policy of repressing critical voices causes serious damage to freedom of expression and thus to democracy in Germany. Berlin needs cultural spaces that are dedicated to the issues and concerns of its immediate neighbourhood.

We call on the Senate to grant further funding to Oyoun and protect migrant, queer*feminist and Jewish life in Germany.

Oyoun must stay. Especially in Germany. Especially now.

Further links (German)

Oyoun muss bleiben! 
Seit dem Kulturausschuss vom 06.11.2023 ist es offiziell: der Berliner Kultursenator Joe Chialo (CDU) prüft zuwendungsrechtliche Maßnahmen, um die Förderung für Oyoun einzustellen. Die AfD hat sich dafür bedankt.

Wir fordern den Berliner Senat auf, die finanzielle Förderung des landeseigenen Kulturstandortes in der Lucy-Lameck-Straße 32 in Berlin-Neukölln fortzusetzen.

Seit 2020 trägt das Haus den Namen „Oyoun” und beschäftigt heute 32, mehrheitlich marginalisierte, Arbeitnehmer*innen und Fellows. Das Oyoun ist ein bedeutender Ort der intersektionalen Kunst- und Kulturszene, der v.a. queer*feministische, migrantische und dekoloniale Perspektiven zentriert und für seine Arbeit bereits mehrfach international ausgezeichnet wurde. Im Jahr 2023 gab es 5872 Raumanfragen und 580 Veranstaltungen an 327 Veranstaltungstagen mit ca. 82.100 Besuchen.

Das Oyoun ist gerade aus dem kosmopolitischen Berlin nicht wegzudenken – doch seine Existenz ist akut gefährdet.

Der Grund für das drohende Aus von Oyoun ist eine Veranstaltung, die am 04.11.2023 in den Räumen des Oyoun stattfand: eine „Trauer- und Hoffnungsfeier“ der Organisation „Jüdische Stimme für einen gerechten Frieden in Nahost“, die deutsche Partnerorganisation der internationalen Menschenrechtsorganisation „European Jews for a Just Peace”. Der Verein sieht seine Aufgabe darin, „über die Notwendigkeit und Möglichkeit eines gerechten Friedens zwischen Palästina und Israel zu informieren” und sich „aktiv zur Verwirklichung eines dauerhaften und für beide Nationen lebensfähigen Friedens” einzusetzen. 2019 wurde der Verein mit dem Göttinger Friedenspreis ausgezeichnet.

Oyoun hatte die Aufforderung des Berliner Senats, die Veranstaltung abzusagen, zurückgewiesen und die Entscheidung in einem Statement erläutert.

Die Absage der Förderung würde das Ende der Meinungsfreiheit und der Kunstfreiheit in Deutschland markieren.

Am 22.10.2023 unterzeichneten 100 in Deutschland beheimatete jüdische Künstler*innen, Schrift­stel­le­r*in­nen und Wis­sen­schaft­le­r*in­nen einen offenen Brief „Wir befürchten, dass mit der derzeitigen Unterdrückung der freien Meinungsäußerung die Atmosphäre in Deutschland gefährlicher geworden ist – für Juden und Muslime gleichermaßen – als jemals zuvor in der jüngeren Geschichte des Landes. Wir verurteilen diese in unserem Namen begangenen Taten. Wir fordern Deutschland auf, sich an seine eigenen Verpflichtungen zur freien Meinungsäußerung und zum Versammlungsrecht zu halten, wie sie im Grundgesetz verankert sind.”

Alle diese Menschen sollten im Rahmen der Meinungsfreiheit die Möglichkeit haben, gemeinsam und öffentlich zu sprechen, zu trauern und miteinander in Austausch zu treten. Es wirkt zynisch, wenn jüdische Personen und Gruppen von Deutschen Politiker*innen und Medien in die Nähe des Antisemitismus gerückt werden oder sogar als antisemitisch diffamiert werden.

Am 31.10.2023 jedoch publizierte die Grüne Fraktion eine Pressemitteilung unter dem Titel „Förderung von Oyoun muss beendet werden”, in der die Abgeordnete Susanna Kahlefeld dem Kulturzentrum Oyoun vorwirft, antisemitisch gehandelt zu haben. Diese Vorwürfe erachtet das Oyoun als unbegründet und haltlos und weist diese ausdrücklich zurück. Bereits am 01.11.2023 kündigte der Kultursenator in der Berliner Zeitung an, die finanzielle Förderung von Oyoun „grundsätzlich zu überprüfen (…) schnell zu einem Ergebnis zu kommen und zu handeln” – und das nachdem der Berliner Senat das Gespräch mit Oyoun sechs Mal ablehnte.

Die Absage der Förderung bedeutet die Schließung einer Organisation, die aktive Antidiskriminierungsarbeit und Gesellschaftskritik praktiziert sowie zur religiösen, kulturellen, ethnischen und politischen Pluralität Berlins beiträgt.

Mit der Meinungs- und der Kunstfreiheit wird zugleich die Internationalität, die Weltoffenheit des kulturellen Lebens in Deutschland, verteidigt. Es ist die Aufgabe und Pflicht öffentlich geförderter Kulturorte, Meinungsvielfalt abzubilden. Die Demokratie braucht Orte, in denen marginalisierte, intersektionale, pluralistische Perspektiven in Gesellschaft, Kunst und Kultur präsentiert und diskutiert werden.

Eine Politik der Repression kritischer Stimmen fügt der Meinungsfreiheit und damit der Demokratie in Deutschland schweren Schaden zu. Berlin braucht Kulturangebote, die sich den Themen und Sorgen ihrer unmittelbaren Nachbarschaft widmen.

Wir fordern den Senat dazu auf, Oyoun weiterhin Mittel zur Verfügung zu stellen und dadurch migrantisches, queer*feministisches und jüdisches Leben in Deutschland zu schützen.

Oyoun muss bleiben. Gerade in Deutschland. Gerade jetzt.

Weitere Links:

The Particular and the Familiar

Palestinian liberation is the most intersectional of all struggles in the world today


08/11/2023

In the night of our ignorance, all foreign forms seem to take the same shape. For people in the Global North, accustomed to floods of information, Palestine is situated in the imagination as just one of many innumerable injustices in the world; a rather terrible but nevertheless unexceptional case of injustice. When we try to exceptionalise causes closest to our hearts, we risk fragmentation into an amorphous collection of interest groups that are motivated more by a desire for self-aggrandisement than by a desire to end injustice. Therefore, it begs the question, whether the current situation in Palestine is truly exceptional or just another terrible example of injustice.

Seen from any single vantage point, Palestine is a familiar story. Palestinians are not the first people to suffer death and dispossession. Within the same decade as the Nakba, meaning catastrophe in Arabic, approximately six million Jews were industrially slaughtered by Germans in the Shoah, meaning catastrophe in Hebrew. The mere juxtaposition of these two catastrophes is to invite fury, particularly among a German audience that believes that the Shoah was a singular, incomparable tragedy. And furthermore, based on current events and narratives, no entity understands the Shoah better than the Germans; not even the descendants of Jews murdered in the Shoah. It is a peculiar possessiveness on their part and I am left to wonder, if the Shoah is some trophy to be jealously guarded?

The Holocaust cannot be relegated to being an exclusive lesson for Germans nor an exclusive memory for Jews. It must be remembered that alongside Jewish people, Roma and Sinti peoples, disabled people, and homosexuals were targeted for summary execution. To excluvise the Holocaust then is to deny its voraciousness for human life. For its reverberations are felt to this day, its memory a permanent warning to all generations. If it is a singular event in human history, it is because its lessons are so universal whether one directly participated in it or fell victim to it.

Seen in this context, the German state’s zealous policing of thought around the subject betrays a desire to assimilate the Holocaust into a perverse nationalist identity. The ultimate expression of this perverse nationalism is a tribalistic allegiance to the state of Israel. Germany, in its eagerness to avoid being on the wrong side of history ever again, engineers a self-fulfilling prophecy whereby it condemns itself to being an accomplice in the ethnic cleansing and potential genocide of Gazans.

I for one hate comparing the severity of tragedies. Can’t a tragedy just be a tragedy without being weighed on some arbitrary scale of comparative suffering? Don’t Palestinians have a right to name their catastrophe without being accused of trying to steal attention from the catastrophe of Jewish people by some clone of Friedrich Merz? Must we wait until a genocide reaches its bloody conclusion before we make a comparison to another? When all there is left to do is to document the destruction. Wouldn’t it be better if we acted with abundant caution and at the first sign of overlap between the past and present, acted swiftly to prevent a recurrence? Or would we rather deny anything like a genocide or ethnic cleansing is happening until it becomes indisputable and irreversible?

The response of the Global North towards the actions of the Israeli state, the stubborn belief that Israel is a homeland for Jews, that only Israel can speak for Jewish interests or protect Jewish lives, all stem from a desire for convenience. Unflinching support for Israel has been particularly convenient for sanitising the unapologetic antisemitism of the single greatest threat to Jewish life in Europe: the far-right. By sacrificing Palestinian lives, Christian Europe helps bury its collective guilt for the prosecution of the Holocaust while simultaneously resuscitating the political forces that delivered it; no nation serves as a better example of this dynamic than Germany, where the neo-fascist AfD has surged to second place in the backdrop of Islamophobic discourses around “imported” antisemitism.

“…the prospect of a partnership with the people who had presided over Auschwitz scandalised Israeli Jews, especially the survivors, many of whom already found Ben-Gurion’s state to be a chilly place. When his negotiations with Konrad Adenauer were made public, Ben-Gurion had to call in the army to suppress a demonstration in Jerusalem at which Begin described reconciliation with Germany as ‘the most shameful event in our people’s history’. But, as Ben-Gurion saw it, ‘money has no odour.’ The Germans, keen to be rehabilitated in the eyes of the West, were easy to persuade. By the end of the decade the Germans were supplying Israel with arms and buying Uzis.” (We are conquerors – Adam Shatz)

Palestine is exceptional not because it is different, but because it is so strikingly familiar. It is as if all the horrors that can be visited upon a people are being visited simultaneously on them, in an age that has the living memory of witnessing all of this once before but refuses to acknowledge it is happening again.

Steinbeck wrote: An unbelieved truth can hurt a man much more than a lie. It takes great courage to back truth unacceptable to our times. There’s a punishment for it, and it’s usually crucifixion.” I write these words in the context of a systematic denial of Palestinian suffering that has become institutionalised in the Global North. A few examples here, here, and here.

Just as Palestinians claim a right to return to the lands and homes they were displaced from, so do the Chagos Islanders, a five decade old struggle. Neither are the Palestinians the only victims of occupation and overt colonisation in the world today. The people of Western Sahara have been abandoned by the international community to the whims of an absolute monarchy, namely Morocco. Coincidentally, the flag of Western Sahara, subtracting a star and crescent, becomes the flag of Palestine. Palestinians are not the only people being bombarded by a vastly more powerful military. The people of Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Libya, and Ukraine can attest to the horror of indiscriminate attacks on civilians by a foreign power. Nor are the Palestinians of Gaza the first to suffer a prolonged siege, for the people of Srebrenica and Sarajevo experienced it all in the 90s. Palestinians in the West Bank live under a system of apartheid, a relic of segregation in South Africa, as attested by several international organisations like Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International.

But I think I may have stumbled upon one truly unique aspect of the Palestinian experience. The attacks on Gaza are the first case of witnessing genocide via Instagram. I recall the image of a distraught father waving the remains of his child in a plastic bag and it struck me that Gazans are currently being forced to desecrate their children’s remains in order to garner enough sympathy for the genocide to merely pause. I couldn’t think of a single case where people felt the need to use the mutilated remains of their loved ones in real time. Billions of people have access to these images today in a way they did not have for Srebrenica.

And the intent is always the same, which is to say “take pity on us at last and convince someone to stop our brutalisation”. In response, many of us struggle, quite literally, to lift a finger to hit the like button. How can one “like” something so grotesque as a mutilated corpse? Yet for the sake of the Palestinians, this is what we are being asked to do, if only to help amplify the sound of their suffering so it may reach the right, usually white, ears being drowned out by propaganda meant to dehumanise an entire people. Unlike previous attempts at genocide, where we could claim a degree of ignorance, where the fog of war and the paucity of verifiable information caused hesitation to act, we are today faced with the prospect of having abundantly graphic evidence and simply tune it out of our minds. Like some pauper on the street begging for change, our humanity seems so withered that we now witness an entire people’s annihilation with apathy.

I am reminded of my brother’s funeral, where my father was able to bury his son at a time, a place, and in a manner that gave him some sense of closure. I then force myself to imagine, if all that remained intact of my brother’s flesh was an arm and a mutilated face, and then, my father had to display these remains in front of a camera, in the hope that perhaps what’s left of his family and his community could be spared enduring a similar fate.

I refuse to say how Palestine is different from, say, the Kurds being bombed under Erdogan’s orders in Rojava, or the Ukrainians being killed by Russia in its doomed attempt at colonial conquest, or the Bosnians killed by Serbs, or the Jews killed by Christian Europe over centuries, or the Chagossians expelled from their homes, or the South Africans who suffered under apartheid, or the Irish under British occupation, or the Uyghurs under Chinese repression. Palestine is everything, everywhere, and all at once. And that is what makes Palestine exceptional.

Palestinian liberation is the most intersectional of all struggles in the world today. If we can achieve justice for Palestinians, we will set an example that will endure for generations. Justice for the Palestinians would be a rising tide that will lift all boats but for that very reason it is the most difficult and, consequently, demoralising struggle on the planet today. To speak up for Palestine, is then to resist a corrosive fatalism. To speak up, to stand up, to strive for Palestine is to share the undying spirit of a people that have refused to be annihilated. Who can still find a song to sing as the bombs menace them from the skies.

So long as Palestinians breathe in defiance of the terror being wrought on them, humanity’s heart will go on beating. I do not condemn those of us who, despite feeling sympathy for Palestinians, fail to act for them. I merely feel pity that they have succumbed to fatalism. Yet with each passing day of inaction, humanity’s heartbeat fades. Regardless, such a death is not permanent and there is still time to resuscitate ourselves from the fatal kiss of nihilism.

We still Need to Talk

Stop censorship of Culture in Germany. Protest on Friday, 10th November.


07/11/2023


Join us to loudly protest the ongoing erosion of the German public sphere. In recent years, there has been a narrowing of space for cultural events in Germany. It has become increasingly hard for certain voices to be heard, for certain events to take place. Symposia, public talks and academic events have been cancelled. Concerts and performances have been shut down. Theatre pieces have been disallowed. Book prizes have remained ungiven. Invitations to artists, cultural workers and intellectuals have been withdrawn.

Our cultural events are frequently cancelled because their content is ‘too sensitive,’ because ‘it is not the right time’ for us to come together to talk, to debate, to share ideas, to perform, to write, to sing, to exhibit, to protest, to mourn. Our events are cancelled ‘for the sake of our own safety,’ we are often told. All the while, neo-Nazis and ethnonationalists continue to march the streets of Germany under police protection, and support for the AfD continues to grow. How is it possible that our voices—as cultural workers—are deemed more dangerous to German society than those of white supremacists and far right movements?

Silencing voices that are inconvenient or uncomfortable is a feature of authoritarian regimes, as is the stigmatising and side-lining of progressive intellectuals and artists. A healthy democracy must allow for the inclusion and participation of a broad range of voices, including voices that are critical of mainstream narratives.

This protest will be led by a coalition of leftist Jews and/or Israelis who work in the realm of culture. We invite allies of all descriptions to join us in protest. We are tired of being silenced in the country that murdered our ancestors. We refuse to remain silent as peaceful Jewish and Palestinian voices are stigmatised and censored.

Please support us by posting your own version of this post. Use this caption. Post yourself holding up the sign in the visual above (or just the slogan if you prefer). Make your own version or download our sign here.

PROTEST DETAILS:

Berlin, Friday 10 November, 17h00-19h00

Exact location to be confirmed soon. Watch this space for more info. Please leave all national flags at home. Our protest signs will include:

  • WE STILL NEED TO TALK
  • NEVER AGAIN
  • NOT IN MY NAME
  • RELEASE ALL HOSTAGES
  • CEASEFIRE NOW

Rooted: Embroidering Our Existence, Stitch By Stitch

As Palestinians face a renewed attempt at their erasure, their tradition of embroidery becomes another act of self-preservation.


06/11/2023

We are being erased off of the face of the map. This was the first thought that crossed my mind when the renewed and ongoing genocide carried out by the Zionist entity against our people in occupied Palestine started on October 7th. Anyone following our anti-colonial struggle for more than 100 years, realises that erasure of the Palestinian being, identity and existence in any meaning that this term encompasses, has been the core intention of the colonial Zionist “state” since its establishment 75 years ago. At the time, although they pushed close to one million Palestinians off of their native lands, and mass murdered thousands who are unaccounted for, they did not manage to annihilate us. What is happening today is a fast tracked attempt to do just that and finish the job they started back in 1948.

Springing from Canaanite times, embroidery is rooted in us as descendants. Its motifs are not just pretty designs. They reflect our deeply instilled connection to the land, its trees, herbs, sea, birds and animals.

As a Palestinian born and bred in exile, the homeland for me existed in books, stories by family elders and on the TV screen. It existed in paintings, photographs and other art works. It also existed in the embroidery that my mother, aunts and grandmothers from both sides of my family spent time creating. As I was growing up, Palestinian embroidery, specifically the falahi cross-stitch was present everywhere, almost in every minute of the day. It was present on the walls, sofas, clothes and even bookmarks. I touched it, admired it and wore it. Eventually, at around the age of ten years, I extended a hand, took a needle, a piece of fabric, thread and started stitching.

When one reads and examines the evolution of Palestinian embroidery, it becomes apparent that its ancient 4000 year existence is in fact resistance. Springing from Canaanite times, embroidery is rooted in us as descendants. Its motifs are not just pretty designs. They reflect our deeply instilled connection to the land, its trees, herbs, sea, birds and animals. They reflect our politics through rockets, barbed wire and officers’ belts. They reflect our rich social fabric through symbols of brides, the elderly and the mother-in-law’s classic clash with her son’s wife.

In short, Palestinian embroidery is a reflection of you, the Palestinian.

I remind myself of the maternal figures in my life and their relentless patience while moving the needle steadily and rhythmically through the fabric. They stitched the seeds of love for Palestine in my heart.

In the past two years, as I moulded myself into a visual artist, it was not an urge that I felt but a nagging internal voice telling me that whatever longterm project I end up working on must incorporate the infamous Palestinian cross-stitch. And indeed, I am applying it in my work. While I researched how other peers in this art form mixed different forms of needle work in the production of imagery, I found beauty, colour and creativity. However, apart from Egyptian photographer Rehab Eldalil, who’s works beautifully illustrated the persistent culture of the Sinai communities, many of whom are originally Palestinian, I did not find anyone else who employed embroidery in the photographic practice to convey deeper meaning beyond aesthetics. I saw that, through her body of work titled “The Longing Of the Stranger Whose Path Has Been Broken”, Rehab nurtured her own Palestinian roots. This is exactly what unites us, as a community, in spite of being shattered across the world map: our roots. Once a Palestinian, half or quarter a Palestinian, always a Palestinian.

As I write this, I struggle to continue. I pause for long minutes to check my phone and learn how many of my people have been buried under the heaps of heavy rubble created by the cowardly Zionist bombs. I check how many of my people have received a bullet, were wrapped in a white sheet, were handcuffed and blindfolded. I read the names, hear the cries and count the numbers. My heart is heavy, my brain is foggy and my fingers are frozen. Seeing the homeland for the first time ever only two months ago, rendered what I have lost in Palestine very tangible. It is not abstract anymore. I finally visited, touched and breathed in a place on this planet that smells like me. With every waking hour, with every breath I take, I ask myself: “how can I go on without a Palestine in my life?”

Then I remind myself of our resistance, our steadfastness and stubbornness. I remind myself of our freedom fighters on every inch of our land, those young humans who deserve a full life and who have chosen to carry arms and push our existence forward beyond the siege, the tank and the wall. I remind myself of all our women who have lost beloved fathers, brothers, lovers and children. Those are the same women who ululate at funerals, get up the next day and carry what remains of their families on their shoulders to equally advance our struggle ahead. I remind myself of the maternal figures in my life and their relentless patience while moving the needle steadily and rhythmically through the fabric. They stitched the seeds of love for Palestine in my heart.

My love for Palestine is a choice I make every day, against any odds. I express it through all available means, including the needle and the thread. This is why I will now continue to teach Palestinian embroidery to other fellow Palestinians. Together, we stitch our roots, resist erasure and insist to exist.

Embroidery workshop with Rasha Al Jundi

Sunday, 12th November, 12.00 – 3pm.

Please register via this Google Form

There will be a small fee of €5 to cover material costs. Any other donations will go 100% to Gaza. Open to those of Palestinian or Arab roots in the city.

Rasha Al Jundi (1984) is a Palestinian visual storyteller based between Nairobi, Kenya and Berlin, Germany. Her ongoing project that combines portraits and Palestinian embroidery titled “When the Grapes were Sour” can be followed on Instagram via @embroidered_exile