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Photo Gallery: Demonstration in Berlin for Gaza, 4th November 2023

Alexanderplatz to Potsdamer Platz


05/11/2023

Photos by; Phil Butland, GABRIELA Germany, Assaad Kanaan, Erika Mourgues, Jaime Martinez Porro, Rosemarie Nünning, Tau Pibernat, Rachael Shapiro, Arslan Yilmaz

Because of the current level of repression in Berlin against Palestinians and their supporters, most faces have been pixellated.

   

 

 

“Boycotts are intended to create political pressure, we are demanding justice”

Interview with Shir Hever, military embargo coordinator for the Boycott National committee (BNC)

Political economy is a relevant, but often misunderstood, force underpinning the West’s staunch support of ongoing genocide and ethnic cleansing in Gaza and the West Bank. If this is mentioned, it is mainly in leftist circles. One reason for this is that the United States and its allies potentially benefit materially from the mass death and destruction. To delve into the specifics, we consulted Shir Hever, an economic researcher and author based in Jerusalem whose work focuses on the economy of the Israeli occupation.

Can you tell us a little bit about yourself and what informs your perspective on the current situation in Gaza?

My name is Dr. Shir Hever. I was born and grew up in Jerusalem, but instead of military service I volunteered for a year of civil service in Sderot. That is just a few kilometers from Gaza and I taught at a school for the children from nearby Kibbutzim. Both Sderot and the Kibbutzim were hard hit in the October 7th attack, people that I know were killed, lost relatives, were injured or were taken hostage. 

I am also active in Palestinian solidarity groups and BDS groups for many years, and made many friends in Gaza, with whom I have lost contact as Israeli forces are killing thousands. Not a single one of my friends from Gaza hasn’t already lost a loved one to Israeli attacks before. But now I don’t know who among them have survived. I wrote two books on the economic aspects of the Israeli occupation, the second of which is based on my PhD dissertation from the Free University of Berlin in political science.

From an economic perspective, can you sketch out the economic firms involved in upholding Israeli occupation in Gaza, and how they come into play with respect to the current assault we see now? 

This is a question far too big to be answered in an interview, it would take a book or more .There are many levels and layers of complicity, both Israeli and international companies. For example, the European company Airbus mediated a corrupt contract between Germany and the Israeli arms company IAI for leasing 16 Heron-TP attack drones by the German military, which are now “loaned” to the Israeli air force to conduct airstrikes in Gaza. 

If you want to follow the money, your question should be “who profits?” The answer is almost nobody. U.S arms companies (Raytheon, Lockheed Martin, Northrop Grumman and Boeing) had a huge boost in stock price when the onslaught on Gaza started but this is a short-term gain, which will mean little when the U.S starts to regret getting involved in another war in the Middle East. 

Israeli companies have previously profited from the siege of Gaza in many ways. For example by regulating product prices through controlling exports from Gaza, and by manipulating UN aid agencies into buying Israeli products as in-kind humanitarian aid. Moreover Israeli arms companies have used Gaza as a laboratory to showcase their new weapon development. All of this, however, seems insignificant right now as the Israeli economy is in freefall.

Critics of the western international consensus in support of Israel point to the fact that countries like the US (but also Germany) provide the regime with billions of dollars in “aid” funding. Can you explain in economic terms the reasons for their deep investment in maintaining the Israeli regime ? 

The U.S doesn’t give money to Israel. It’s not “aid” but it is military financing. It gives money to U.S arms companies who then provide free weapons to Israel, so it is a subsidy for the U.S arms companies. For example, the $106 billion the US requested from congress is not just for Israel. Only 14$ billion of it is earmarked for weapons to Israel, and the money will flow to the US arms companies, not to the Israeli Ministry of Finance. The subsidy helps the U.S test their own weapons without risking U.S soldiers. Henry Kissinger once said that for every tank which the U.S gives to Israel for free, Israel’s neighbours buy 4 tanks from the U.S. The interest is clear. 

As for Germany, it’s more complex – but the arms industry in Germany is just as corrupt as anywhere else. Germany’s biggest arms export to Israel were the Dolphin-class submarines which the Israeli Navy repeatedly said they do not want or need, but they were sold to Israel anyway because of corruption. Israel returned the favour by using guilt feelings in Germany for the Holocaust to twist the arms of the German government into buying the Arrow3 system for an exorbitant price of 4 billion Euros. Seeing that Arrow3 was never successfully deployed or fully tested, and that it finances one of Israel’s most criminal and corrupt arms companies, the deal will be remembered as a low point in the history of German government decisions.

I have seen analyses by other scholar activists (e.g. Angela Davis on G4S) discussing how the same corporations and economic firms that supply Israel also help to support other borders like the US-Mexican as well as the US carceral (prison) system more broadly. Do you have thoughts about these linkages?

There are many examples. The largest Israeli arms company is called Elbit Systems and it provides services and remote-controlled weapons for the Israeli illegal Separation Wall (or apartheid wall); as well as to the US border wall with Mexico. The latter surveils the Tohono O’odham Indigenous nation and violates their sovereignty and privacy rights. The Israeli company Magal provides armed robots that patrol both walls.

To what extent do you think these underlying economic factors influence the current situation of Israeli aggression in Gaza?

Israeli colonial violence is an integral part of the settler-colonial reality in Palestine. Violence begins with oppression, not with the resistance to oppression, even if some acts of resistance are unjustifiable. Israel is not motivated by capital interests in its violence. Many times capitalist countries try to influence Israel to take a more rational course of action, such as we have seen with a convoy of western leaders coming to Israel to try, unsuccessfully, to persuade it to refrain from a ground invasion of Gaza.

The role of the economic factors is important but secondary. Wars increase the price of oil and gas, and increase the profit margins of energy companies, and certainly increase sales and profits of arms companies, but other sectors of the economy suffer: services, agriculture, tourism and more.

In a recent interview you mentioned how people in the west (e.g. Germany) ‘pay the price’ for the government’s funding of Israel. Can you elaborate here on what you mean by this?

I mean that the population of Germany needs better investment in public services and infrastructure, the costs of education and health services are a heavy burden and there is no reason that a strong industrial economy such as Germany should have so much poverty. Instead of wasting 4 billion Euros on Arrow3, the money should be used to improve the lives of Germans. It is even more grotesque that Greece, much less wealthy than Germany and struck by terrible fires and floods, spent 400 million Euros on Israeli Spike missiles instead of on disaster relief. There is also a diplomatic price. NATO and the EU are seen by the Global South as a hypocritical organization, because they condemn Russian occupation and annexation but not Israeli. The West’s hegemony is weakened by its fanatical support for Israel.

In light of all the misinformation, how can those of us watching this situation unfold from abroad better inform ourselves about what is happening? 

I could give you an answer spanning hundreds of pages. I think that the atrocities, killing of defenseless civilians among them many children, the terrible suffering of the people of Gaza – these are facts which anyone can follow on their own. They are shocking and crushing, but by themselves they do not change much about our understanding of the situation.

So let me just focus on one thing. I grew up in Israel as did my parents. Neither I nor my parents can remember a time like this in the history of the country. Freedom of speech, even for Jews, has ended. Israeli media has stopped reporting the facts. Instead it knowingly spreads misinformation in the name of the “war effort,” even the liberal media such as Haaretz newspaper. There is a disconnect like never before between the Israeli public and the rest of the world. Israelis are daily expressing surprise and amazement that Jewish organizations around the world, but mostly in North America, are horrified by calls for genocide against Palestinians, and are holding mass rallies to stop the onslaught and demand a ceasefire. There is a real belief (not just a convenient half-serious self-delusion) among Israelis that the entire world is wrong, that antisemitism has suddenly gripped the global media, that Jews outside of Israel have all lost their minds and only the Jews in Israel continue to see reality as it really is. 

It is a tragic development, and under these conditions the public opinion in Israel is willing to justify any level of crimes against Palestinans. All Palestinians are now considered to be Hamas. One Israeli member of Knesset said, when confronted by the accusation that the Israeli military is dropping bombs on children in Gaza and killing them, that “the children brought it upon themselves.” 

What can regular people do to resist and oppose these economic firms who are propelling the violence in Gaza?

There is no such thing as “regular people.” We are all part of something – we all have our social circles. We need to operate not as individuals but as groups. We need to listen to Palestinians who are now telling us that the biggest priority is to enforce a ceasefire so the killing can stop. We can take part in collective action. A lot of effective groups are indeed calling for boycotts and demanding that private companies will not profit from the occupation and not finance the Israeli war machine, but the most effective groups are the ones who act strategically, in coordination with other groups and by following the guidelines of Palestinian civil society. 

If there is a company near me which supports Israeli crimes, I may be tempted to protest them, but no one will notice if I do it on my own. If it’s part of a larger group (a union, a church, synagogue or mosque, a student group or university, an artist group etc.) – the impact is amplified and companies are forced to take notice. The decision which company should be targeted is not based on the question “which company is the most complicit?” because we are not engaging in punishing companies or delivering justice. Boycotts are intended to create political pressure, we are demanding justice, so the question should be “which company can be targeted effectively to create a big political impact?”

“We want to challenge the way that Germany understands itself”

Interview with Udi Raz about 20 Years of Jüdische Stimme and Palestinian Rights


04/11/2023


Hi Udi! Most people who read theleftberlin will know who you are. But for our new readers, would you introduce yourself?

Thank you again for having me here. It’s always a pleasure to talk to you. My name is Udi Raz, I am a board member of an organization called the Jewish Voice for a Just Peace in the Middle East, or in German, Jüdische Stimme für gerechten Frieden in Nahost.

And the Jüdische Stimme is about to celebrate its 20th birthday?

Well, recent events underline that there is no reason to celebrate. The fact that our organization has existed for 20 years is a sign of a failure of humanity. We, as an organization, insist that we should become irrelevant, and as soon as possible. Unfortunately, we are still needed.

But we want to take this chance to come together as members of the Jewish Voice, and to invite other Jews and non-Jews to join us to reflect, to connect, and just be together in these very difficult times. We can offer support, a safe space for encounters for Israelis, Jews, Palestinians, Muslims, Christians, you name it. Everybody who is affected directly or indirectly by European ideologies of racial supremacy, and who lives in Berlin, is welcome to join us.

So this anniversary is more than just a cultural event, it’s a political event as well.

It’s political in the sense that saying that Palestinian lives matter is political nowadays.

The Jüdische Stimme was formed in Germany in 2003. What inspired its formation, and why then?

This was around the time of the second intifada. Our founding members were already organised in Palestinian-Jewish sociopolitical solidarity circles, such as the so-called AK Nahost. In Germany back then, Palestinian voices were ignored by policymakers. Like nowadays, Germany’s political elite were willing to listen only to Jewish voices, as such, when talking about the living realities in Palestine*Israel. This is the political environment that made the formation of the Jüdische Stimme a necessity. In creating our group, solidarity between Palestinians and Jews finally gained some visibility within the German cultural and political context. Solidarity that underlines the real potential of a just peace for people who live in the same region. As a symbolic gesture, the Jüdische Stimme was founded on the 65th anniversary of the November pogroms of 1938. This decision also further made real the imperative we inherited from our parents and grandparents, to learn the lessons of racially motivated state persecution, actions which eventually led to the Holocaust. Our ancestors taught us the meaning of “Never Again,” and we have listened carefully.

Do you think there is a specific German-Jewish experience?

Yes. Precisely because this term is so highly politicized, being a Jew in Germany is by itself a statement. For many years, I refused to identify as a Jew, because I grew up in a secular Zionist habitus. It was clear that being a Jew, while living in Palestine*Israel, meant being part of a certain nation. And thus the categories “Jew” and “Israeli” overlapped in this context. When I first moved to Germany, I felt more comfortable with the idea of understanding myself as Israeli, while distancing myself from my Jewishness. A category which I perceived as too broad, since it did not reflect my specific experience as a Jewish person living in Palestine*Israel.

For the longest time, I believed that you can really be an objective person in this world, that you can be without race, without gender, without social status, that everyone can be normal and can make their own choices. And it took a long time to understand that I have had certain privileges that allowed me to understand myself as “normal.” I was made “normal” by a discourse that “de-normalized” and delegitimized anything that was not like me.

And yet, Jews in Germany are expected by White Germans to behave in a certain way.

That’s the thing. As soon as I identified as a Jew in different contexts in German public sphere, I was reminded again and again that it doesn’t matter what I think or feel. What matters is what those who control the discourse think about me as a Jewish person. What they project onto me is what matters to them.

What’s the relationship between the Jüdische Stimme and the international organization Jewish Voice for Peace?

We work closely with individuals on the international level, and have a good connection with them. But our work is executed and decided on purely by board members who are all based in Germany. It’s important for us to be independent from the bigger organizations because the context here is so specific.

What is the specific role of Jews in the Palestinian struggle?

The decolonization process of Palestine is also the decolonization process of Judaism from Zionism.

What would you like to see happen in the Middle East, instead of what we are seeing now?

I wish to see a place where everybody can live as equals before the law. A system that is established through democratic processes, by all the people who will live under it. I think this is the only way to continue living together in this region. We must have a place to which as many individuals and communities who share it can affiliate. This place can have more than one name.

I think queerness is one way out. It is an invitation to think critically about a set of categories, categories that are given to us and prescribe essential differences between us. We must insist that there is always another way.

And how do we move from where we are now to where we want to be?

The biggest problem is the idea of Germany. What is it about Germany that needs Muslims and Jews to understand themselves as enemies? It is by virtue of the idea of Germany, that German politicians claim that Jews should not think of Palestinians as potential neighbours and siblings. Why is it, when Jews speak up about Palestinians as being their equals, Germany’s political elite accuses us not only of being not Jewish enough but even of being a threat, both to Jews – to ourselves! – and also to Germany?

To come back to the start of our chat, if our readers would like to meet you and talk more about the issues raised today, they can come to the Jüdische Stimme event on November 4?

Definitely. This event will be a good opportunity for all of us to connect and learn more about the work of Jüdische Stimme, and explore how to collaborate on future work – both Jews and non-Jews.

 

Twenty Years of Jüdische Stimme für Gerechten Frieden in Nahost

Saturday, October 4 from 18:00. Oyoun, Lucy-Lameck-Straße 32. Tickets here.

Jüdische Stimme is also one of the organisations calling for a mass demo, Free Palestine Will Not Be Cancelled! on Saturday, October 4 at 14:00 at Alexanderplatz. If you would like to take part with other international activists, we are meeting in front of the Marx Engels Forum at 13:45.

In Berlin, Jews and Palestinians Are Demonstrating Together

This Saturday, Jewish and Palestinian groups are organizing a demonstration against the war


03/11/2023

As bombs continue to rain down on Gaza, with several thousand children killed already, there will be a demonstration this Saturday at 14:00 at Alexanderplatz. In a time of chauvinistic hatred, this action is in an internationalist spirit, organized by Jewish Voice, Palestine Speaks, and leftists of countless nationalities.

When I published my last column two weeks ago, every single pro-Palestinian action in Berlin had been banned. Now, police continue to harass people on the streets of Neukölln, yet two demonstrations have been allowed to take place. On October 21, 5.000 people marched through Kreuzberg, and last Sunday, it was well over 10.000.

The bourgeois media only published the most superficial reports, repeating what police had said. Credulous readers might picture a mob of Hamas supporters chanting »death to Jews«. Said readers would have been shocked to see such a young, lefty, relatively queer, and extremely international crowd. English and Arabic were the main languages I could hear, with no more than a sprinkling of Deutsch – in fact, I heard more people speaking Spanish than German. Many demonstrators identified themselves as Jews with handmade signs objecting to attacks being carried out in their name.

Berlin’s Palestinian diaspora includes tens of thousands of people with diverse and complex views, as nd showed in this triple profile. (This is, incidentally, why we need left-wing media: virtually no one is letting Palestinians speak!)

An union sacrée of the German establishment, from the AfD to Die Linke, supports Israel’s »right to defend itself«. The government, a self-proclaimed »progress coalition«, is providing weapons, while opposing calls for a cease fire. On October 22, all the parties, alongside both state churches, NGOs, capitalists, and union bureaucrats, called for a rally in front of the Brandenburg Gate. Just 10.000 or so people showed up. While the AfD was not officially included, Israel’s ambassador gave the speech that the AfD would have liked to hold. This rally, supposedly about human rights and democracy, included calls for more deportations.

Many Germans, perhaps a majority, do not agree with the government on supporting war crimes. They are scared, however, that opposition to the war could be perceived as antisemitism. Internationals, of course, feel no such historical compunction. The German state demands that every immigrant accept responsibility for the unprecedented crimes committed by this country’s ruling class less than a century ago. This is a cynical demand, given that the vast majority of Nazi capitalists, Nazi bureaucrats, and Nazi judges were never asked to accept responsibility.

Germany’s ruling class remains rife with antisemitism – just look at the recently reelected Hubert Aiwanger – yet they give themselves a Persilschein, a bill of clean health, by declaring antisemitism to be an »imported problem.«

Does the repression protect Jews? In an open letter hundreds of Jewish intellectuals explain that what scares them is the »prevailing atmosphere of racism and xenophobia« and not a child wearing a Palestinian scarf at Sonnenallee. Udi Raz, a leading member of »Jewish Voice«, was fired from his job at the Jewish Museum because he described Israel as an Apartheid state (the same position as Human Rights Watch). Other critical Jews have been arrested or assaulted by police. For the German government, Jewish voices are only worth protecting if they are right-wing.

While hundreds of thousands of people across Europe and the United States are taking to the streets, German leftists remain largely silent. If your ears are burning, then in the name of your non-German neighbors, I call on you to join your immigrant friends this Saturday. This reminds me of a protest nine years ago: As I reported for »nd« at the time, more than 100 Israeli leftists demonstrated through Kreuzberg calling on German leftists to do something – anything. »Good morning, German left«, they chanted, “your silence is our death.”

This is the latest collaboration between theleftberlin and Neues Deutschland (nd) mirroring Nathaniel’s Red Flag column in nd. You can read the original here.

A new beginning for Die LINKE

Sahra Wagenknecht and nine members of parliament have left the parliamentary group and set up the “Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance” as a platform for launching a new party in Germany.

It was expected (and almost wanted). The suspicion that Sahra Wagenknecht and a group around her were using party funds to finance a new project had long been hanging over the airwaves. For months, and even years, deputies such as Wagenknecht herself, Dadelem or Nastič did not use the coorporate image of the party in their events and statements, but promoted it as a personal initiative, away from the party. Already in the first half of this year, Wagenknecht announced that she would think about whether to form a party and would make a decision before the end of the year. In response, the leadership of Die LINKE distanced itself from her and expulsion proceedings have since been opened. However, affairs at the palace go slowly and German bureaucracy even more so.

At a press conference on Monday, October 23, Wagenknecht made the definitive announcement of the creation of a party from the association “Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance” (German acronym BSW), a name that gives an idea of the marked personalism of the project. Its political profile is that of ordoliberalism at best, to national-obrerism at worst. It is a nostalgia for any past time which, according to Wagenkecht, was always better and to which she wants to return: the industrial Germany of the sixties, seventies and part of the eighties. She recalls the post-war Welfare State for the white German worker, sustained by an improvement in working conditions, while labor was hired mainly from southern Europe to fill more precarious jobs and with much worse working conditions.

In this sense, Wagenkecht and her nostalgia appeal to an older generation in Germany that lived through both that welfare state in West Germany and state protection in East Germany. However, it would be inappropriate to say that only an older generation could fall into BSW’s fishing ground. Wagenknecht also appeals to migration control policies, claiming that Germany is saturated and overwhelmed by immigration and that the communes (municipalities) have no funds for it. The latter being true, the cause is the neoliberal cutback policies of the SPD, Greens, and liberal government in the budget of the municipalities. With the exception of Die LINKE, the entire German political spectrum — from the far right to the Greens and the new BSW — hypocritically attack immigration, while at the same time campaigning to “recruit talent” from abroad in view of the lack of manpower in strategic sectors such as education, health care, and some branches of private industry. However, Wagenknecht focuses on the external threat, immigration, because it is a rhetoric that quickly connects with a German proletariat, young and old, disenchanted by the impoverishment of their living conditions.

Wagenknecht has also relativized the importance of climate change, as well as feminist, LGTBIQA+, anti-colonial and anti-racist struggles. Similarly, she came dangerously close to conspiracy theories during COVID-19 and proudly took a stand against vaccines. In this situation, the fracture had to come at some point. Die LINKE aims at building socialism, understanding the system of capitalist exploitation in conjunction with the system of sexist and patriarchal oppressions, as well as racist and within the global north-south axis. In addition, it puts at the center combating climate change from a social justice perspective, something that one of Wagenknecht’s acolytes, Klaus Ernst, labeled as “wanting to be greener than the Greens”. However, the Greens put climate policies on the shelf long ago, restarting coal-fired power plants and extending the life of nuclear power plants, cutting down entire forests to build highways, or allowing themselves to be financed by the automobile lobby as in Baden-Würtenberg. Not to mention their passion for war, which, both in the production of weapons and in the performance of war, stands as one of the most potent Klimakillers.

Die LINKE can now make a new start. The last months and almost years have been marked by internal conflict and lack of clarity in positions, with every issue being wrapped up in dispute and unipersonal statements against party resolutions. Particularly active in this have been people from the Wagenknecht circle such as Daǧdelem, Nastič and Ernst. Breaks are difficult, but, as announced by Die LINKE co-spokesman Martin Schirdewan “we can now bring clarity to party policy, once we have finished with the chess game.”

It is to be expected that the new project will be joined by some elected and organic representatives from regional and local politics, as well as party members. However, recently Die LINKE had also lost many disenchanted members due to internal struggles or the fact that Wagenknecht, with conservative positions, had an enormous prominence fed by the media, always ready to fracture left-wing projects. These positions have scared away militants who were reluctant to approach the party or have left it in recent years.

It is, therefore, an opportunity to reconnect with people who were once in Die LINKE and ended up disenchanted, but also to attract SPD and Green voters who do not share their pro-war and anti-immigration policies. Last week, Social Democrat Chancellor Scholz was quoted on the front page of the well-known journal Der Spiegel with the slogan “it’s time to deport people on a large scale”, a slogan used in the past by far-right parties such as AfD or the neo-Nazi NPD. Meanwhile, the Greens have abandoned any policy that really fights climate change, wanting to maintain the capitalist system, painted with an eco varnish, as well as shamelessly nurturing warmongering. In this situation, Die LINKE, freed of burden, can offer itself as a party of the left, anti-capitalism, and in solidarity with migrants. In this regard, the party leadership proposed in the summer the captain and activist Carola Rackete as a candidate together with Schirdewan for the European elections in 2024, something that would be ratified in one month’s time at the Federal Congress of Die LINKE in Augsburg.

These will be difficult weeks in the Karl-Liebknecht-Haus, the party’s headquarters, as well as in every other party headquarters for its approximately 55,000 members. Yet, Die LINKE should now be able to set out on the road with renewed unity in a world that lives in the constant crises of capitalism, which is approaching the abyss of no return in climate matters, and in which war is taking on a very dangerous protagonism. In this context, Die LINKE is still needed in Germany and a left-wing project still has a place. The new BSW project, however, is not and will not be.

This article first appeared in Spanish in mundo obrero. Translation: Jaime Martinez Porro. Reproduced with permission