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UK Strikes brought Everyone Together

Coordinated strike action in the UK is helping to generalise resistance to the Tories


06/02/2023

Everyone who works in the public sector in Britain is experiencing a deep crisis of underfunding. There is also a crisis of a government that just doesn’t care for ordinary people, whether they’re at work, taking a train, seeing their doctor, calling an ambulance in an emergency, or taking their kids to school or university.

The dysfunction in the UK is affecting more people each week. Poverty has not seen at this scale for a long time. In my job as a Special Needs Teacher I meet parents of kids who need high levels of care. Following the sell-off of social housing throughout the 1980s and 1990s, they are just not getting any.

A mum told me that her three autistic kids are trying to catch the mice that are swarming all over their home ― including in their beds ― to play with them. I first met her and her kids several years ago, when they were living above a crack den. She and her seven children have been evicted twice since then for rent arrears. She only gets benefits for two of those children because of the benefit cap. Their only get out is a “rape clause”. You read that right. You can only get benefits for more than two children if you can show they are the result of rape.

The Conservative government is experiencing an existential crisis. During the pandemic they were forced to admit that austerity was a political choice, as they suddenly found the cash to bail out the economy, printing money as fast as they could throw it at businesses.

As Downing Street hosted party after party, friends of the ruling clique stuffed their pockets with our cash, benefiting from a ‘VIP lane’ for contracts that resulted in unusable PPE, and a track and trace system that was as effective as their advice to flag down a bus when being pulled over by a rapist in a police uniform. (Yes, this was real advice they gave to British women).

How the crisis affects ordinary people

The depth and breadth of the crisis means that many people are very, very angry. Their anger is bursting out in strike action, and the strikes are popular. The BBC struggles to find a disgruntled commuter for the evening news. Government ministers, with a weird throbbing vein in their forehead and a second job as a lobbyist, respond by rehashing worn out tropes – blaming Trans women or scroungers or migrants in sinking dinghies. Gramsci would be having a field day.

The strikes are mainly affecting the public sector and the partly privatised transport sector. We are now experiencing rocketing inflation, particularly in the prices of food and gas and electricity. Our energy bills increased on average by 54% last April, by 80% in October and are set to rocket again in April 2023. Last year, wages increased on average by 6%, in an already low wage economy. Wage rises for most of us have not matched inflation for more than a decade. The Bank of England’s response is interest rate rises which have had no effect on prices but have made housing even more ridiculously expensive than it was already.

Layers of people who were just getting by are really feeling the pinch. My own colleagues at school are talking of skipping meals – only eating in the evening if their kids leave something on their plate. We all laugh about how we have been sleeping in tracksuits and hoodies. But we really have, it has been a hard winter. I know I’m not the only person getting into work early to warm up.

The anger has also been generalised by the fact that we all worked through Covid. Then, we were told we were essential workers and were allowed to skip the queue at the supermarket. Nurses were clapped in the streets every Thursday night. There were pictures all over the media of a pale and shaky Boris Johnson clapping outside no 10. That was before we knew he was joking about the bodies piling up. Our bodies.

Anger turns to action

A few months ago pay ballots started returning resounding majorities, smashing the thresholds the government introduced to stop strikes. The RMT and ASLEF rail unions, a few bus companies, then nurses who had never struck before, ambulance workers and physiotherapists, junior doctors, my union, the NEU (education workers). Even headteachers are re-balloting (not a sentence I ever thought I’d write). The list goes on and on.

Instead of meeting union leaders and negotiating pay deals, the government responded with new anti-union laws that would mean public sector workers could be sacked for striking. The gauntlet down, the unions had to move. They called a day of action.

My union experienced a period of significant growth when we faced the government down over keeping schools open during Covid. Recently that growth has been dwarfed, with 30,000 new members and many new reps reflecting a mood of absolute rage in schools. The fact that the 5% pay rise teachers got was unfunded, and came out of school budgets which were already stretched to breaking, was the last straw. Our ballot was the largest vote to strike of any union in British history. Ever,

Layers of older workers haunted by the Miners’ Strike’s long shadow and younger ones raised in the gap of historically low struggle, have all been enraptured by the possibility of change, unleashing notable leaps in consciousness. The Trade Union movement has suffered from sectionalism for a long time. This is breaking down, as everyone recognises the Tory government and the bosses in general as an enemy that must be defeated with coordinated action. A General Strike, once unimaginable, is now a common discussion on picket lines.

It’s no coincidence that the strikers are nearly all workers classed as ‘essential’ during the pandemic. A veil was lifted in those strange days. Suddenly we could all see who kept the world running. And we saw what we have in common and identified our common enemy.

Falling respect for politicians, the police and Royals

And of course, we lost respect for authority. Not just the politicians who partied and drove to Barnard Castle, who set up a VIP lane of our cash for their mates. The police were revealed to be misogynistic and racist. A woman was abducted, raped and killed by a serving police offer nicknamed ‘The rapist’ by his mates. Another of these mates, nicknamed ‘The Bastard’ has been sent down for numerous crimes against women including 24 rapes.

The naked bodied of two sisters Bibaa Smallman and Nicole Henry were photographed by police at the scene of their murder. The photos were shared on a WhatsApp group with their grubby friends. Refuge, the charity for Women left 1,000 rotten apples outside the Met headquarters as that is how many more cases are still to come to trial.

The crisis in the Royal Family has also fed the sense of crisis. The ruling class are no longer able to go on ruling in the same way. We have discovered that the people who rule us are a bunch of rather dull racists. The arrival of Meghan gave them an opportunity to renew their dusty institution. They blew it when they asked her what shade her baby was going to be. They just couldn’t keep the hundreds of years of empire under wraps for the sake of etiquette.

Diversity on the picket lines

As the strike wave has grown, picket lines have reflected the British workforce – loads of women, notably cleaners in the RMT who have been campaigning against the outsourcing of their work and low pay, black workers, many first-generation migrants. The strikes are an example of the unity that can be built in action.

The government control the supposedly private rail companies. Anger at their lack of response resonated with other public sector workers and union leaders started to concede to the pressure from below to ballot over pay. When the government announced its intention to make strikes in the public sector partially illegal, the Royal College of Nurses passed the extremely high threshold required for action and started their first ever strike action alongside ambulance workers represented by Unite and Unison.

Health workers are universally loved and respected, as is reflected in all the polling. What surprised all the commentators was that all strikes were proving popular with the public and the attempts to paint us as lazy, greedy, controlled by union barons blah blah blah…. fell flat amongst the wider working class.

On the 16th January, after a really effective campaign using the bigger network of reps we had built during our fight to resist unsafe Covid working, the NEU returned a result of 90.44% (92% and 58%% in Wales) for strike action on a turn out of 53%. The support staff ballot didn’t quite make it over the threshold. Between that announcement and the strike day a week and a half later 40,000 people joined the NEU. In my workplace support staff moved from the unions that had recommended they accept the shoddy deal they were offered.

The first strike day was coordinated with the UCU (University and College Union), ASLEF (train drivers) and the PCS (Civic Servants). On 1st February, an estimated half a million workers walked out on strike, with big rallies up and down the country. In London, 40,000 people rallied in the middle of a train strike.

What was remarkable was the resurgence of picket lines.. At many schools, large picket lines enabled support staff, who didn’t have a mandate for strike action, to join the strike. In my own workplace, support staff outnumber teachers about 6 to one and were the driving force behind a noisy, lively picket line. These are workers who are paid between £9.25 and £12.45 an hour.. It had a carnival atmosphere with singing and laughter and home-made placards.

We joined the huge demo. For many the first time they had attended a protest. One of my colleagues was so excited she made a TikTok of the day with pictures of everything we did to Lily Allen’s Fuck You Very Much. This perfectly summed up the mood and confidence of the day.

What next?

It was clear on the huge London demo that many of the union leaders were shocked by the success of the day and the turnout. They had told the police to expect 12,000 people. They will instinctively be looking for ways to put the brakes on the movement. At the same time, they know they have to challenge the ramping up of the anti-trade union laws. Some of the better ones, like our Kevin Courtney, are clearly excited and buoyed up by the movement.

Looking at the RMT and UCU, who have been out on on occasional days for months now, we need to increase the level of pain on the government by coordinating strikes between different unions, and crucially by increasing the number of strike days. This will require an argument. Many people are worried about the effects of the strikes on their ability to pay their rent and feed their kids, so wider solidarity will be essential. But it can be done and the results could be stunning.

Generalisation is running through people’s consciousness, the way a flame runs up a fuse in a Tom and Jerry Cartoon. At my speech at the London rally, I said that it wasn’t refugees and asylum seekers that took away Speech and language therapy from my kids or Trans women who are forcing our support staff to go and work in supermarkets. This got a huge cheer of approval.

When we fight, it is very clear who is on our side. Struggle washes away all the bullshit the other side spray around. Continuing to bring questions of oppression to the staffrooms and union groups is essential, because it is very clear that the right have decided to go hard with the culture war, as they have nothing else to bring to the table.

We will need to tap into all the anger at all the disgusting neglect this government has directed towards ordinary people, and make links between our low pay and the institutional racism and misogyny of the system.

For instance, the fact that Bibaa and Nicole, the sisters who were murdered and photographed by police, were local and related to someone I work with fed the anger in an oblique way. The way we are all struggling to survive fed it directly. One of my colleagues said to me the day after the strike, “we succeeded in one day to do what the management failed to do in three years. We brought everyone together. It was great”. We are working on setting up an anti-racist group at work now to challenge the racism in the curriculum and the way work is organised.

Rosa Luxemburg talked about how the political and economic join up in Mass Strikes, and show that the challenge is to take on the state. In this sense, I am going to propose that we stop allowing the police in our schools. Wish me luck.

 

LINKE Berlin city councillor criticizes bans on demonstrations on Nakba Day 2022

115 people detained. 25 fined over €300 each. This is an attack on our basic right to assembly


05/02/2023

It will soon be the 75th anniversary in 2023 of the Nakba. This was the expulsion of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians from their homeland. Ferat Koçak (member of Berlin city parliament for the party Die LINKE) asked the city Senate a detailed parliamentary question (19/14 493) about the demonstration bans issued in this context last year. In May 2022, five registered events commemorating the Nakba and in memory of Palestinian journalist Shirin Abu Akleh, who was murdered by the Israeli military, were banned across the board in Berlin.

In the answer to the parliamentary question, the police justified the blanket prohibition on the basis of their experience with “gatherings based on similar themes and events in Israel and the Palestinian territories.” The police do not refer to any known calls for criminal acts in advance – or to participating organizations – as reasons for their threat predictions. Therefore it seems that it was the issue itself that was decisive for the bans, namely the commemoration of the Nakba (a historical event of existential significance for many Berliners) – or the commemoration of a murdered journalist.

Ferat Koçak criticizes this severe interference with the exercise of freedom of assembly:

“From the answer of the Berlin department of the interior, no valid reason emerges for me as to why there was a blanket ban on demonstrations for human rights in Palestine and solidarity with Palestinians around the anniversary of the Nakba. It cannot be that this fundamental right is so severely restricted based solely on experiences with gatherings on ‘similar issues.'”

In Koçak’s view, the police also did not sufficiently exhaust other means under the laws of assembly to ensure that peaceful demonstrators could express their opinions.

“That antisemitism must be fought is beyond question. No one wants antisemitic statements at demonstrations; even the organizers of the Nakba demonstrations reiterated exactly that in advance, as well as a desire to demonstrate peacefully. The police for their part have a number of measures in the run-up to and during the demos that amount to far less than a ban on the entire gathering, for example to prevent unconstitutional statements or calls for violence. Instead, Jewish groups organizing around the Nakba and the assassination of Shirin Abu Akleh, for example, were also banned from gathering: an inconceivable action, especially when we consider that Nazis, protected by the freedom of assembly, repeatedly carry their contempt for humanity into the streets without any problems.”

115 people were detained by police on May 15, 2022 – ironically, “on suspicion of violating the Freedom of Assembly Act” – and 25 received hefty fines of around 330-380 euros each.

“For me, this action is a sad consequence of years of repression of people and groups in Germany who stand up for human rights in Palestine. Today it’s Palestinians; tomorrow, protests for human rights of Kurds will be banned. Where will the restriction of basic rights lead? For 2023, the police must ensure that freedom of expression is possible in this context and they must stop the proceedings against all the people who wanted to exercise their right to assemble on Hermannplatz and Pannierstasse on May 15.”

So, just who are Volt?

In the run up to the Berlin elections, Ciarán Dold from the Corner Späti podcast introduces us to one of the weirder parties running.


04/02/2023

I need you to cast your mind back to Spring of 2019, the days are warming up and the world has proven that they are ready for the seamless blend of rap and country music, but a far less significant event than Lil Nas X’s “Old Town Road” was underway. That’s right, the 2019 EU elections. A very important event that I’m sure everyone remembers and cares about. Ignoring the results for now, there was something about the campaign, the Wahlkampf, that people here in Berlin noticed. A new small party called Volt got their posters up in every district early, even before many of the major German parties. The posters were royal purple references to other cities and countries in the EU, printed well and in full colour. Appealing to some people but for those with the ability to think for more than five minutes it was suspicious. 

Germany is a country where there are effectively only six parties, and smaller parties are starved for resources. This is especially true for new parties who haven’t had the chance to meet electoral criteria that grant them state funding. New parties in Germany tend to rely on cheaper printing methods, mostly white posters to save money on ink and even then they will lack the money to print multiple designs and to print enough to cover every neighbourhood in Germany’s capital. So how could Volt afford this? What was going on? Surely everyone was thinking this, this couldn’t be the mad internal monologue of someone scarred by having to pay for their own printing costs while doing a graphic design degree. Nope, I’m definitely normal. Let me prove how fucking normal I am by writing about how I went down a rabbit hole and became The Foremost Expert on Volt™.

WIE IN WIEN?

Did I mention I have a podcast? I’m one of society’s heroes, the marxist ideal of a worker because I giggle and fart into a mic for two hours every week with my friends. You’re welcome. Anyway, I bring this up because, shortly after the 2019 EU election we did an episode on Volt where I go into an absurd amount of detail about this party. That was the joke. At the moment of recording there was a revolution occurring in Sudan, a general strike in Brazil and an uptick in anti-Muslim attacks in India but we, as a group of goofballs, decided to do an episode on a party that got one MEP. However it wasn’t until various state elections and the 2021 federal German election were on the horizon that we knew that Volt would become a regularly occurring character on the show. People would regularly post that they didn’t know who to vote for and when someone mentioned Volt our episode would get linked to, it turns out that we were the only people to ever report on them beyond a puff piece that would gawk out how young they were (for politics, not like objectively). This upset members of Volt online and they would try to debate us on Twitter, making an all too common German Liberal mistake which is thinking Twitter is the Greek agora-like free exchange of ideas rather than what it really is which is a place to make jokes, bully Elon Musk and post pictures of pregnant Sonic photoshopped into a Subway ad. Congratulations Sonic, I will Eat Fresh.

Through researching for the few episodes we’ve done on them and through their angry responses (which to be fair, I was asking for) I’ve learnt far more than I care to about Volt. On their own terms, Volt is a “Pan-European, Progressive and Pragmatic” political party that attempts to run in multiple European countries with the ultimate stated aim of creating a federal Europe. Founded in 2017 in response to Brexit, populism (vaguely defined of course) and to a lesser extent Trump  by three former McKinsey & Co employees. Italian Andrea Venzon, the boyfriend of French co-founder Colombe Cahen-Salvador and finally German co-founder Damian (Hieronymus Johannes Freiherr von Boeselager). The name Volt was picked because it’s a word in all European languages (they were originally gonna be called Vox but em, whoops). Damien was elected in Germany to the European Parliament in 2019 while Andrea and Colombe failed to meet the bureaucratic/financial requirements for Volt to run in Italy and France for the 2019 EU Elections. After these elections and after Andrea loses an internal Volt leadership vote to Damien, Andrea and Colombe would quietly leave to go on and to found Atlas Movement (where you see Andrea and Colombe dead-eyed in a zoom call with such political winners as Juan Guaido). Since then, Volt has enjoyed electoral successes in local and municipal elections in western Germany, they rode the coattails of other parties into the Bulgarian parliament and got three MPs into the Dutch parliament, their biggest success of all.

So what policy positions do they advocate for? They said progressive in their promotional material and they talk about Europe a lot, which most people just assume without explanation that that is good, in and of itself. Well, advocating for a federal Europe is one policy I guess but that’s probably (probably) not happening anytime soon and frankly I’m not sure I care too much about the size and shape of the government I live under as much as I care about what that government does. Like the size of Singapore doesn’t matter too much if you personally just love chewing gum.

Initially, they were a little vague, in fact I encountered the lovely little Dutch term “vaaglinks” used to describe Volt. The Volt website talked of their “5 +1 challenges,” a collection of platitudes arranged under the titles of “Smart State, Economic Renaissance, Social Equality, Global Balance, Citizen Empowerment and EU Reform.” I can disagree with these things as much as I can grasp the air around me. It was all very 90s, very ‘Blairism without the Labour Party.’ 

When they started running in various elections they were forced to make their position clearer on certain issues. As a young party that centres technology as a solution for political issues they have a tendency to fill in things like Voteswiper and Wahlomat with gusto. Here is where we arrive at the policy positions that have earned them the title in Germany of ‘Lila JuLi’ (Purple version of the FDP’s youth wing). Opposing the reintroduction of the wealth tax in Germany, being opposed to rent caps, being in favour of police conducting random spot checks in “dangerous areas” and not being opposed to the debt brake. In the Netherlands we similarly see bizarre policy positions for a party calling itself progressive such as opposing equal pay for primary school teachers and secondary school teachers, opposing the construction of social housing to alleviate the Dutch property crisis and, in a very 90s move, advocating for carbon credits as your climate strategy. Which is wild for the Netherlands, a country that could be underwater by the time you are reading this.

However, in the 2019 EU elections we seem to see progressive policy being presented in their “Wie in [EU country/city]” poster campaign. The idea is simple, what if we take a policy from one EU country and put it in another. Seems great, if I blindly assume all other EU countries are good and that Volt have gone and selected the ones that are the most progressive. Well…

One example of this is Vienna’s “one euro per day” public transport scheme. The €365 yearly ticket, which Volt is in favour of implementing in various comparable EU cities. But… eh… Tallinn has free public transport for all residents. Can we do that instead? No. That wouldn’t be Pragmatic would it? Can’t have nice things all the time can we? I have enjoyed their newest poster campaign in the Berlin elections which smugly states, “There are more important things than poster design. Good politics for example.” I especially enjoy it when it’s above an SPD poster advocating for a public transport ticket that undercuts their proposal by €17 per year.

To be fair the “one euro per day” ticket was not on the posters, but “Wie in Wien” was the title of their poster that alluded to Volt’s housing policy. This arrives at the issues with Volt’s transplanting of policies from one nation to another. The legacy of Red Vienna’s housing policy in the interwar period is exactly that, a legacy. It has resulted in a sizable portion of Austria’s capital city living in government owned or rent controlled apartments with little to no social stigma that you might expect in other countries but it is a product of a particular history that occurs in a particular place. To recreate that moment would at least require a government to “enteignen” a lot of private property to make it happen, but Volt is very opposed to DWcE. So we must assume they are for the other conditions that allowed Red Vienna’s housing policy to occur. A global stock market crash and a world war. 

SO HOW’D THEY PRINT THOSE POSTERS?

So glad you asked, me from six words ago. 

Volt originally advertised itself as being funded by “small donations and crowdfunding” and they have always championed transparency as a core tenant. This is true but the language was always a little misleading. Using the terms like “progressive” and “small donations” evoked similar campaigns we were seeing at the time in the USA (Sanders/Ocasio-Cortez in particular). The issue being that these campaigns did two things that Volt did not, 

  1. impose an upper limit on donations and 
  2. refuse corporate donations. 

This was a criticism first put forward in the Volt Ask Me Anything done on the Dutch subreddit. The Volt team did not respond. 

The crowdfunding campaigns are a little embarrassing. Volt ran 17 fundraising campaigns on the website GoFundMe, which is like Kickstarter but it allows you to do political fundraising and you can keep all the donations even if you don’t reach your stated goal which only happened once for Volt. On average, Volt only managed to raise 33% of the stated goals across these 17 campaigns. On the campaigns where donors are listed we can see other members of Volt making donations to the campaign and in one instance, the fundraiser for the Amsterdam assembly (where the manifesto was voted on), the average donation was €225. At this point I should say the USA has a limit of $100 donations for most political campaigns and as a country they’re famously known for not having money influence their politics.

The transparency claim is also one that is a little misleading. Volt does in fact list everyone who has made a donation of any amount over €3000, just not in the one place. Since Volt Deutschland, Volt Italia, Volt Netherlands, Volt Europa etc etc are all separate entities you have to visit each one’s individual website and find the donations page (Google Translate plugin switched the fuck on). As an example, only by visiting the German and European website can you see that Christian Oldendorff (of Oldendorff Carriers, a shipping company based in Hamburg) has donated over €100,000 to Volt.

However, this only works if you can still visit the donations page. Andrea Venzon seems to have taken the Italian donor network with him when he left Volt because all major donations to Volt Italia stopped at that point and the donations page was delisted, replaced with a crowdfunding platform exclusively for the Italian wing of the party. You can still see the big donations to the Italian branch but only if you know the URL and use the Wayback Machine. Donors to the Italian wing included directors from LVMH and members of the Agnelli Family just so you know.

Then the donations themselves are not super transparent, more than once do you have an individual making a sizable donation and then later making another sizable donation through a company they own, this is not marked or noted on Volt’s donations page. Nor is any relationship disclosed. The agency who designed Volt’s brand identity donated about €9,000 to the German branch in 2020 and several large donors listed are the parents of people running on Volt’s ticket.

THE EURO GENERATION

For all the puff pieces, ARTE documentaries and other attempts to portray Volt as young and hip they sure do seem to love posting a lot of embarrassing shit without any sense of how it might be seen as “cringe” or “peinlich.” Whether it’s their series of Volt candidate trading cards or announcing their Berlin manifesto as slam poetry. While funny, it helps paint a picture of entitled kids with no self awareness. Maybe this was obvious from the get-go to a lot of you, maybe you immediately saw the nice posters pop up out of nowhere and it immediately clicked for you. Maybe you rightfully assumed that any sense of “Europeanness” is only really possible for those who have the means to regularly travel and or are employed in an email job that hires from all over the continent. 

The term “erasmus generation” gets thrown around a lot, describing a generation for which the EU existing as it does now is the norm. This would include myself, born in Ireland, 1990, a founding member of the euro and often topping the opinion polls as “most pro-EU country” (sometimes Romania beats us). Using the term erasmus is a little too erudite for my liking though. Erasmus implies travelling, museums, cultural landmarks, multilingualism and learning and that’s not really what’s happening here. 

Despite the reality that what erasmus really is is mostly just college kids hooking up being largely facilitated by not speaking each other’s languages, I think what really defines this group, in two ways, is the euro. With the exception of Bulgaria, Volt’s electoral success maps perfectly onto the winners of the EU. Mostly North Western Europe, mostly within the countries known for being most opposed to intra-EU financial aid. Even within Germany, Volt has not been successful in the east of the country. The Linkedin accounts of those in charge of Volt Netherlands look like the google search results for ‘banks in Amsterdam’ and same goes for their parents and donors. But what separates them from their parents is, like me, they have only ever been paid in euros (just a lot more than me). Maybe you remember the mark or guilder as the currency of pocket money or buying sweets when you were young, but every wage you’ve received was in euro. You remember the switch over too, you remember the little calculators and coin collecting booklets, it was a big deal. Something was happening, change was coming but now, 20 years later that change hasn’t come and rather than deal with questions like, “well then what the fuck are we even doing then? What is the EU even for?” that the rest of us have to deal with, Volters simply say, “well surely I or my parents have enough money to make the change come.”

Why is Britain facing a strike wave not seen in decades?

Richard Brann, a socialist based in the UK, explains how a combination of ruling class arrogance, rising prices and government ineptitude means that British workers are finally fighting back


02/02/2023

From a foreign perspective, it would seem as if Britain is having a uniquely terrible time. A large number of separate issues have coalesced and condensed into a perfect storm of societal anger, economic discontent and anti-government action. The wave of strikes are the backbone of this perfect storm – one of the few remaining ways to stand up to a government seen as incompetent, hostile, and lacking any authority.

There is the ballooning inflation and energy prices resulting in an entrenched cost of living crisis. There is the discontent resulting from a clumsy Brexit that has seen supply chains disrupted at a level unseen by any other country in Europe, with lines of lorries stuck at Dover.

Most of all, there is the total disdain for the Tory government that has, since the Brexit referendum, clattered as if in a stupor from one sleazy scandal to another, from one unelected Prime Minister to the other, from one state of delusion to a newer, deeper state of farcical inability to maintain any shred of respectability.

The scandal surrounding Chris Pincher, whose sexual harassment allegations were disregarded by former PM Boris Johnson when he appointed him as Deputy Chief Whip, brought down the short-lived government formed in 2019 and continues to be investigated.

Speaking of short-lived, Johnson was followed by the now- infamous Liz Truss, whose plan to cut benefits and increase bankers’ bonuses in her “mini-budget” crashed the value of the pound in an already contracting economy and resulted in a “moron premium” being imposed by investors on the yield of government bond transactions. Her reign lasted 44 days. It was barely enough time to see the death of Elizabeth II in a moment that seemed horribly symbolic of the total collapse of British national self-confidence.

The last and current Prime Minister, Rishi Sunak, have had free rein over the fragile economy despite having never faced a general election. Astronomical energy prices, inept governance and dire economic recession have produced an atmosphere to rival the legendary “winter of discontent”, a wave of strikes that shut down Britain in 1978-9 in response to the failure to control inflation. Here, a similar climate under a far more unfit government has seen the British strike movement surge in momentum.

The first of these major strikes came in June of 2022 with one of the quickest-growing unions, the RMT (Rail, Maritime and Transport Workers), voted to strike over pay that failed to match the rate of inflation, threatened redundancies and proposed reforms that would dramatically cut staff numbers. These strikes have had a revitalised union leadership and a sense of momentum.

At a time when the government was transitioning between the barely-concealed corruption of Boris Johnson’s reign to the unelected and uncharismatic Truss administration, the General Secretary of the RMT, Mick Lynch, appeared frequently in interviews and gave the strike movement a much-needed shot of plain-speaking charisma and blunt anti-government appeal.

Since then, other union leaders have risen to prominence – Pat Cullen of the RCN (Royal College of Nursing) has been a similar figure of widespread appeal, representing nearly half a million medical professionals in her negotiations and boasting massive public support in comparison to the plummeting popularity of the current government.

Strikes have been coming thick and fast – starting with the railway worker strikes, Britain has now seen bus network strikes as part of the wider Unite union, strikes of barristers in the Criminal Bar Association, nursing and ambulance worker strikes, ongoing strikes of teachers in the NEU (National Education Union) and further action on behalf of the EIS (Education Institute of Scotland).

The late summer saw a waste pile up in Edinburgh as refuse workers took action too. Firefighters have planned strike action approaching, postal workers have been on the picket lines, and even journalists at the BBC have walked out over planned cuts. Will more be announced by the time this article is released? Probably.

The simple truth is that Britain is at breaking point in its public services and the government is not equipped to deal with it. A single article just isn’t enough to list the grievances behind each strike, of which there have now been more than a dozen, but they all stem from the same matrix of factors. There’s the historically low pay, that has stagnated since the Conservative policy of economic austerity implemented after the 2008 financial crisis, compounding the cuts to public services and pay freezes that were introduced.

There’s the failure of pay rises to keep up with explosive inflation hitting a high of 10.7% that many blame on government ineptitude. There’s the ongoing cost of living crisis and the related energy crisis that have made the simple costs of living and working in Britain go up while incomes fall by 4% on average. These are pressures that are breaking the backs of staff in the public sector, many of whom are already working unbelievable hours, such as medical professionals.

And who else can working people really blame but the government? Britain has been in the hands of the Conservative Party for 12 years now, through the disaster of Brexit, the constant political scandals, the collapsing benefits system, and despite government attempts to blame the war in Ukraine for the ongoing crisis, Britain has recently been forecast by the IMF to be the only G7 country to see continuing recession this year. Even Germany, with its intricate ties to the energy crisis, is forecast to see growth in 2023, but not Britain. Democratic governance is a two-way street. The public expects appropriate leadership in exchange for their support during the stresses of the past few years and responsibility for this crisis cannot be avoided by the current occupants of Downing Street, who refuse to call a general election despite the public having had no say in the country’s past two leaders or any check on their policies or power.

Why, with so much anger from different sources, have strikes been the way that Britain’s working class have expressed their hostility towards an openly contemptuous government? Sadly, it’s of the only ways left. The Conservatives have systematically introduced laws like the 2022 Policing Bill to combat protest action and have tried to clamp down on strikes with the 2016 Trade Union Act, limiting the ability of unions to call strikes.

But causing economic harm is also one of the only ways to make the government – accused by union leaders of refusing to listen – actually sit up and negotiate, although there has been little success so far. Barely a week ago, Tory minister Huw Merriman admitted that acquiescing to striking rail worker demands would have been more economically beneficial than allowing strikes to continue.

The minister for safeguarding, Rachel McLean, has called on people to simply “get better jobs”.Rishi Sunak and his party refuse to appear weak in the wake of two recently collapsed governments, even if that would ease this economic struggle.

It seems hard to concede that this standoff between underpaid and suppressed workers and an unelected government that refuses to appear weak will continue until the next general election in 2025. However, the pressures on public sector workers are immense. The attitude of the Conservative Party is one a constant state of defensiveness and hostility towards strikes following recent disasters that have demolished its reputation and left it trailing in polls behind Labour. With both sides so entrenched, this battle seems set to continue well into 2023.

From a German perspective, these issues would seem to largely stem from the unique characteristics of the British Parliament, which allows enormous changes in policy and personnel without real public accountability, making it a situation that wouldn’t be as likely to happen in Berlin. That being said, anger and unrest against a government that fails to live up to its promises is nothing new or unique to the UK. In these times of economic uncertainty and international instability, the German government could do well to use Britain as an example to be avoided.

Artsformation

Exploring the intersection between arts, society and technology.

Artsformation is a research project exploring the intersection between arts, society and technology. We aim to understand, analyse, and promote the ways in which the Arts can reinforce the social, cultural, economic, and political benefits of digital transformation.

Artsformation investigates the potential of the Arts to intervene in critical social issues, with a view to remedying a range of abusive and exploitative aspects of digital technologies, such as labour politics, privacy and education. We aim to support and be part of the process of making our communities resilient and adaptive in the 4th Industrial Revolution through research, innovation and applied artistic practice.

On Friday, 3rd February, Artsformation is organising an Event in Berlin: The Art of Decolonising Digital Resistance

The absence of real dialogue between the arts, communities and the policy making process is detrimental to both the arts, public policy and our society at large. The Art of Decolonising Digital Resistance is a live participatory action, where the audience is anticipated to engage and respond to a series of artist provocations exploring how arts and culture practitioners can become a catalyst for decolonising resistance practices and creating an equitable European digital transformation.

At the heart of the discussion is the need to unlock the potential contribution from the arts to policymaking in our digital society. Τhrough this process the aim is to achieve practical reconciliation between artists, policymakers and communities across Europe who have been long excluded from public discourse and decision-making.

What are the potentialities unfolded in the relation between artists, communities and policy-makers in our digital society? What are the logics and conditions that govern such relationships? Participants will interact with an Assembly of artists and through hands-on actions will explore the intersection between the arts and public policy in Europe’s digital transformation as well as its various societal impacts.  Common to all of these questions is the urgency to foster empathy, mutual understanding and common objectives in a time where the digital transformation permeates all spheres of life.

Artistes Provocateurs: Jamie Allen, Marta Espiridião, Vukasin Nedeljkovic, Vijay Patel, Alice Pedroletti, Samar Zughool

The event will take place in the Betahaus Kreuzberg Innospace Room, Rudi-Dutschke-Straße 23. It will be from 5pm until 8pm.  To attend, guests should contact latrafoundation@gmail.com. A ticket to attend the event is not required.