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Letter from the Editors: 13th April 2023

Spring Rebellion, saving lives in the Mediterranean, and Riots in Kreuzberg


13/04/2023

Hello everyone,

On Saturday, Extinction Rebellion are organising a demonstration Emergency: Species Extinction starting at 1pm outside the Bayer Health Care offices in Wedding. The demonstration is making 3 demands on the German government: (1) Declare a biodiversity emergency, (2) Act now with a 100% pesticide exit by 2030 and the immediate dismantling of factory farming and industrial fishing, and (3) Create a citizens council on the subject “Stop mass death, Save biodiversity”, similar to other initiatives in Ireland and France.

The demonstration is part of a week of action for a Spring Rebellion. This includes a Camp at Invalidenpark which started on Tuesday, and will carry on until next Tuesday. There is a full programme of events, including workshops and comedy available in English and German. The film LAND IS LIFE: Stories from the Farmers’ Struggle in the Philippines will be shown on Sunday at 8pm.

On Sunday at 2pm, it’s the latest political walking tour organised by the LINKE Berlin Internationals. In preparation for the 1st of May, the subject of this month’s tour is Riots in Kreuzberg. Every year since 1987, Kreuzberg has seen protests on May 1st. “Revolutionary May Day” combines Germany’s knack for organization with Berlin’s predisposition for nihilism. The first one was in 2009 and they have been updating ever since. The tour meets outside Südblock at Kotbusser Tor and will last around 2 hours. Participation is free, but you are encouraged to give a donation to the tour guide.

On Monday at 6pm in Refugio, there is a workshop From Senegal to Europe and Back. This is a sensitization event about displacement and irregularized migration from Senegal and other African countries, deportation and externalization practices. The workshop aims to raise awareness about the conditions that generate the Senegalese illegalised migration and the mechanisms that produce and reproduce it in a never-ending loop. Read our interview with the organisers on theleftberlin.

Monday also sees the start of an exhibition: Every Life Counts. on flight over the Mediterranean. The action is organised by Sea-Eye, and records their work rescuing fleeing people drowning in the Mediterranean. It takes place in restART in the open art project room for new arrivals and people interested in art, Residenzstraße 132. Sea-Eye Berlin is our Campaign of the Week.

This week is full of activities in Berlin, so make sure you find out what else is going on by looking at our Events page. You can see a shorter, but more detailed, list of Events which we are directly involved in here.

Important news on the planned meeting on 29th April  75 Years Nakba: Anti-Palestinian Racism and Repression in Berlin. Please note that this meeting will no longer take place in Oyoun. For more information, including the location of the new venue–check out next week’s Newsletter. The Küfa to raise funds for the meeting will now take place next Saturday, April 23rd, not this upcoming weekend as originally planned.

And the preliminary programme for the LINKE Internationals annual Summer Camp is now online. Summer Camp takes place on 10th – 11th June in the Naturfeundehaus Hermsdorf, on the outskirts of Berlin. Please register to ensure free accommodation.

Finally, on 17th June, one week after Summer Camp the LINKE Internationals will be showing Still the Enemy Within, a film about the British Miners’ Strike. The screening will take place in Karl Liebknecht Haus and will be followed by a Q&A with the film’s executive producer Mike Simons.

In News from Berlin, problems with the introduction of the €9 “social ticket” for public transport, environmental groups promise actions of civil disobedience in Berlin, allegations of antisemitic slogans at a demonstration, and government health reforms are criticised for lacking the necessary resources.

In News from Germany, study shows shortage in bicycle parking spaces, NATO war exercises planned for Germany, and Karstadt workers strike for collective bargaining.

Read all about this week’s News from Berlin and Germany here.

New on theleftberlin this week, John Mullen looks at the response of the French Left to the ongoing strikes and demonstrations, and we interview the organisers of a meeting about refugees and migration from Senegal.

In this week’s Podcast of the Week, Hanna Grześkiewicz talks about Sounding a Revolution. Since the murder of Jina Amini by the Iranian morality police on 16 September 2022, Iran has been in the thralls of a feminist revolution. What does the revolution sound like? What is the role of sound in a revolution? This audio paper gathers the voices of scholar Chowra Mekaremi, Golchehr Hamidi Manesh from the Only Voice Remains collective, and Behrooz Moosavi from Tehran Contemporary Sounds festival, as well as songs, chants, and sounds in public space, in an attempt to sound a revolution. Sound is used as a tool for untangling the complexity of a revolution, and for hearing its vision for the future.

You can follow us on the following social media:

If you would like to contribute any articles or have any questions or criticisms about our work, please contact us at team@theleftberlin.com. And do encourage your friends to subscribe to this Newsletter.

Keep on fighting

The Left Berlin Editorial Board

“What is a Safe Country?”

Interview with the organisers of a workshop in Berlin about refugees and migration from Senegal


12/04/2023

Hi Fazila and Elettra. Thanks for talking to us. Could you start by briefly introducing yourselves?

Fazila (FB): I’m Fazila Bhimji. I’m in Berlin as a freelancer and independent scholar, I worked for many years in Britain at the University of Central Lancashire.

Elletra (EG): My name is Elettra Griesi. I’m an Italian living in Berlin since 2006 and in Germany for 25 years. I am an architect, but also a social and cultural anthropologist. I’m doing my PhD at Berlin’s Free University in the frame of which I ran an 8 month qualitative ethnographic research in Thiaroye sur Mer (Dakar, Senegal), the community we are engaging with during our event. I’m also spokeswoman at the Institute for Protests and Social Movements at the TU Berlin.

On Monday 17th April, you’re organising a workshop: From Senegal to Europe and Back. What will you be talking about, and why should people go?

FB: We met each other in Berlin at the community-based group, Kiez Kantine, and it turned out that we had both done research in Senegal. We look at migrants coming from Senegal to Europe, but also at the connection between richer countries plundering the seas and displacing lives. Many people in Senegal cannot see a future in fishing and are forced to migrate, both to Europe and to neighbouring states like Mauritania.

Fishermen in Senegal are what’s known as artisanal fishers. The have smaller boats. If they encounter the bigger trawlers, there are accidents and lives are lost. It’s the richer countries including China, Korea, France, and Spain, who are exploiting the seas and the traditional culture of fishing.

EG: This is one side of the story. The other side concerns their displacement and often ends up in deportation centres after their arrival in Europe, where obsolete practices are carried out, like the administering of sedatives to keep people calm, and holding them in cages before the deportation to their “countries of origin”.

Deported people then face several difficulties. They must integrate again into their communities. This is a very difficult step to make, since once you come back from Europe, you are considered as a loser. Going back also means not having anything any more. When you leave your country you give up everything. You have to start again from less than zero.

Now, around 2004-2005, people from Thiaroye sur Mer were starting to migrate to Europe in small fishing boats. There were several accidents, and hundreds of people died. European policies thus started to focus on migration management by running so-called development projects with the aim of creating employment opportunities and “stop migration”. The projects have as their focus groups “potential migrants” and “deporteesand all this contributes to attach this label to these people producing stigmatization within the community and further marginalization.

Normally the discourse about refugees in Europe is about Syria, and more recently Ukraine – it’s about people who are fleeing wars. In contrast, Senegalese refugees are fleeing poverty and the effects of colonialism. They are “bad refugees”. How does this affect the way they are treated?

FB: When Germany received Syrian refugees, Angela Merkel said “wir schaffen das”. There was no such rhetoric for people coming here because of the effects of neo-colonialism.

If you are from Africa or from countries such as Pakistan, the housing situation is really bad, and you’re rarely given refugee status – even in countries which are directly responsible for you being there. Fishers have to flee because there are no fish in the water. This is not just because of environmental reasons, but because countries such as Spain, China, and Korea are stealing fish.

The Senegalese government colludes with European states which are offered waters where the locals used to fish. They have bigger nets and equipment, and are able to fish more easily. This causes migration. When people come to Europe, they are treated very badly. People don’t make the connection that Europe itself is responsible for them. They’re just branded “economic migrants”.

EG: And so, people are usually deported because Senegal is still considered to be a safe country. In the eyes of European governments, there is no need to migrate. Even If you apply for asylum it is very difficult to get the status of refugee.

Plundering the Senegalese waters is one side of the problem. The other side is expropriation of land. At the workshop, we will introduce the community from Thiaroye sur Mer which came from Egypt in the 18th Century and settled in Dakar when it was still not urbanised. They were living from fishing and agriculture.

After Senegalese independence in the 1960s, the government started to take away their lands from them in order to develop the city of Dakar and build industrial buildings. Step by step they were expropriated. They had no land, on one side, and could not get fish from the sea on the other. This led to unemployment, and eventually displacement and migration.

FB: In the villages where I did my research, all the people I spoke to had the same response. They are very dissatisfied with the current government, which is in collusion with European states. They feel neglected.

You each just said something very interesting. Elettra said that national liberation didn’t improve the lives of many farmers and fishers, Fazila that the Senegalese government now colludes with the old colonisers. Does this mean that national liberation wasn’t worth it?

FB: Any kind of liberation is always worth it. But we cannot say that Senegal really got independence from France. It doesn’t have self determination. Even the CFA [Senegalese currency] is linked with the French Franc. They’ve had the same rate of exchange for decades.

People have been fighting against this. There have been some changes, or at least hope for change. There is a fight against neo-colonialism. Even Berlin has seen some solidarity events where West Africans have got together, and demonstrated in front of each other’s embassies. This is an ongoing fight.

My research has a decolonial approach, working with community activists in Senegal or from Nigeria. We were all people of colour working with the fishers. It is important that it wasn’t top down research. We are trying to find out people’s experiences from their own perspective.

EG: I would totally agree with what Fazila is saying, this approach is very important. We must decolonize knowledge and research in order to decolonize the mind and produce equity. As researchers, we should run research that includes the views and standpoints of the people. We must also ensure that no researcher has a higher position, and that research participants are not passive objects. Our research must take their perspectives into account. What do they need? Why should we research there? How can we help them to raise their voices and fight against neo-colonialism? In this way, we take a step towards decolonizing knowledge.

I also agree that Senegal is not really independent. Senegal tries and wants to be independent, but realizes that European powers are too strong to allow liberation. The government is somehow forced to adapt to the European policies in order to get some economic “benefits”, or to be included into development projects.

It is also important not just to talk about helping people, but to support their struggles. What sort of social movements are active in Senegal, fighting colonialism or putting pressure on the government to improve their situation?

EG: There are movements that are moving in this direction, but this is a new development. Until recently, there were almost no social movements fighting against the government. There was a musician group called Yen’a Marre who were activists from the start, but they were really an exception.

Otherwise, in Senegal people were not really used to protests. It was not in the mentality of the people to go on the street. Then, around 20 years ago, people started to become more aware. This process is developing right now. Organizations are also fighting for freedom of movement. This needs to be developed further.

FB: There’s also awareness raising. You can’t say it’s a social movement, but people have realized that this is a long fight and they need to be practical in the short run. There is a lot of work to be done with awareness raising, so people don’t take unnecessary risks trying to get to Europe, and end up drowning in the Atlantic.

There are associations which try to find work for younger people, so that they don’t end up taking the risk. And there is a Women’s Association for women who lost their sons. On the surface, it seems contradictory to the Left idea of free freedom of movement, but people should also have the right to stay. They should not be compelled to move. Their environment should be comfortable enough that they are not forced to take such desperate measures.

What conditions do people fleeing Senegal experience?

EG: There are different routes to reach Europe. Some people move via sea, others by land. It’s not a journey that you can do within one week. Sometimes it takes a month or even years to reach Europe, if at all. During this time, people are stuck in one place and need money to survive or continue their journey. They are forced to work illegally, for example in Moroccan call centres. And the call centres belong to Europeans. So they are working illegally for Europeans before they even reach Europe.

Those who have the luck of reaching Europe end up first in Welcome Centres, then in deportation centres, where they experience administrative detention for not being in possession of staying permits. After a period that differs from European country to European county (up to 6 months) they are either deported or they are released with an expulsion order, so that they mostly end up living on the streets with an illegal status. This forces them to work illegally. As they don’t have documents, they are held in slavery by the land owners for whom they are working. In most of cases, they are caught at some point by the police and put into deportation centres. After a period, they are – again – either deported or they end up on the streets, and the story starts all over. It is a never ending loop.

Let’s talk about your event on 17th April. Who will be there?

FB: Muhammed Lamin Jadama is part of Wearebornfree and helps awareness training in Senegal about the risks of migration. Moustapha Diouf who is the President of the Association of Young Repatriated in Senegal.

EG: There’s also an activist from Italy, Maurizio Tritto, who I’ve know since we were 4 or 5 years old. He’s really engaged in bringing social justice. In 2011, a Welcome Centre in my village was re-adapted into a deportation centre. There were protests which went on for several months, and after one or two years, the deportation centre was closed.

But every time that a new government came into power, the deportation centre was re-opened. Much money flowed in, the centre was closed again, and then a new government was elected. Maurizio never stopped protesting against the deportation centre. He went on hunger strike for two months last year to win attention for what was happening.

But nothing happened. The government would not speak with him or listen to him. This year, he started his hunger strike again, as conditions in the deportation centre were getting worse. People disappeared, people died, people were hold in cages, sometimes without food. He was on hunger strike for 66 days until he collapsed and had to stop. All his efforts went unnoticed, that’s why we invited him. He has very deep insights into this deportation centre.

FB: It’s not limited to Italy. At the old Schönefeld airport in Berlin, a deportation centre is being built, and there will be protests in July. The airport, which used to be a welcoming place for people, is now being used to deport people. The situation just gets worse every day.

One final question. We hope that everything goes well next week, but what happens next? Are you planning further events?

EG: I would really love to organize more events, like seminars in universities and other places which raise awareness among younger people. People just don’t know about the conditions concerning migration and displacement. I hear many times: “Why do they migrate from Senegal? It’s a safe country”. But what is a safe country?

I also heard people say “German agencies are putting so much money into development. So why do people keep on migrating?” We would like to show where this money is going, and what conditions the people in the origin countries are facing.

FB: For me it’s also important to somewhat raise awareness among the Left in Europe, which is mainly focused on freedom of movement. They fail to see the complexities that there are other battles to be fought, like neocolonialism or the plundering of the seas. We should ensure that countries of origin don’t become States which force people to migrate.

News from Berlin and Germany, 12th April 2023

Weekly news roundup from Berlin and Germany

NEWS FROM BERLIN

Delays for the “social ticket”

The “social ticket” (Sozialticket) will allow Berliners to use buses and trains in tariff zones A and B for nine euros. But there are issues with the application for the ticket. As announced last Thursday, overloads in the offices and a technical defect make the ticket difficult to apply for. It is not known when the problems might be solved.  Social Senator Katja Kipping (The Left) criticised problems with the social ticket, which affect people who were already living on the edge or below the subsistence level. A possible penalty of 60 euros for missing proof during a check might quickly lead to a debt trap. Source: rbb24

Last Generation and Extinction Rebellion announce actions in Berlin

Climate activists from Extinction Rebellion and Last Generation are calling for protests in Berlin’s government district in the coming days. A protest camp is to be set up in the Invalidenpark from Wednesday until April 17, Extinction Rebellion announced. The park is located between the ministries of transport and economy and climate protection. In addition, Last Generation is calling for “peaceful civil resistance” in Berlin’s government quarter from April 19. There will also be national mobilisation.  Demonstrations and “actions of civil disobedience” are planned for a so-called “spring rebellion.” Source: BZ

Anti-Semitism at demonstration in Berlin

At a Palestinian demonstration in Kreuzberg and Neukölln, hundreds chanted “Death to Israel!” Many apparently made no secret of their hatred against Israel. Police are now investigating several cases of suspected incitement to hatred. Video footage is being analysed as well. Politicians from various parties also expressed their horror at the events. “The right to demonstrate and to defend one’s positions also has limits,” wrote for instance Dennis Radtke (CDU) on Twitter. “Why their transgression was tolerated must be clarified. In the ‘never again’ country, one can only be ashamed of this.” Source: BZ

Hospital reform

“It is the third step before the first,” says Anja Voigt of the Berlin alliance “Health not Profits,” criticising the federal government’s hospital reform proposals. Voigt does not think a shift to outpatient treatment would be wrong if it means patients who did not need inpatient care would not end up in hospitals. “But for that to happen, outpatient care would first have to be expanded before hospitals close down. The patients must go somewhere,” says the nurse. The new CDU-SPD coalition seems to see things similarly: in their coalition agreement, it is written: “We want to ensure health and emergency care close to home even after the reform.” Source: nd-aktuell

NEWS FROM GERMANY

Bicycle parking spaces with light

Bad figures have rarely been presented with such glee: according to a study by the Allgemeiner Deutscher Fahrradclub (ADFC), not even half of the 179 train or S-Bahn stations in Schleswig-Holstein offer bicycle parking considered satisfactory by their users. “But for us, the glass is half full, not half empty,” says ADCF director Jan Voß about the many positive examples, such as parking spaces that have walls made of perforated sheeting, to ensure that it is bright inside, and locks that can be opened by code. Big cities fared poorly in comparison with small towns: they offer such spaces, but clearly too few in view of the large numbers of commuters. Source: taz

Jet thunder over Germany

It’s getting loud over Germany: from June 12 to 23, up to 10,000 soldiers from 24 countries are to take part in NATO’s air war exercise “Air Defender 23.” It is the largest exercise of its kind to date. The bases at Jagel/Hohn (Schleswig-Holstein), Laage (Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania), Wunstorf (Lower Saxony), Lechfeld (Bavaria), Spangdahlem (Rhineland-Palatinate), as well as Volkel in the Netherlands and Čáslav in the Czech Republic, will be particularly utilized for this purpose. A total of around 200 aircraft are to be transferred to Europe from May onwards, half of them from the USA. Source: nd-aktuell

Strike instead of wage sacrifice

The workers of the insolvent department store chain Galeria Karstadt-Kaufhof (GKK) continue to fight for their rights. On Holy Saturday, they followed a call by the trade union ver.di for an all-day warning strike in three federal states: Baden-Württemberg, the city of Hamburg, and Hesse. The union wants to fight for the recognition of the retail sector regional collective agreements for the approximately 17,000 employees nationwide. So far, the management has refused to return to the national collective agreement, proposing instead a “flexibilisation of working time,” ver.di complained in a press release. Source: jW

Sea-Eye Berlin

We save human lives

In the deadliest flight routes in the world we look for people in distress at sea and fight against the drowning. Our action is an answer to the failed migration politics of the European Union, which refuse their responsibility for the thousands of deaths in the Mediterranean.

Our group in Berlin wants to support Sea-Eye with all local forces. We try with different ways to make people aware of the subject see rescue, to inform them about the work of Sea-Eye and to collect donations.

At least once a month we organise a meeting in different location in order to talk about joint projects, coming meetings and to plan further actions. You can also get involved if you have a small time budget. We look forward to every new face.

You are also invited to our exhibition „Jedes Leben zählt – Zur Flucht über das Mittelmeer“ (every life counts – on flight across the Mediterranean). The photo exhibition looks at civil sea rescue in the Mediterranean and its importance. The pictures were taken during operations of the organisation Sea-Eye.

Since 2015, Sea-Eye has been active with boats in the Mediterranean, which have been funded by donations. They take people in distress at sea on board, to bring them to a safe European place. The operations of the organisation are carried out over several weeks on different levels, from Crew Training to waiting at safe harbours.

The exhibition shows the different areas of a Sea-Eye operation. The photos reflect the precarious situation of fleein people in the Mediterranean, and show the need for state sea rescue, safe flight routes and the stabilisation of the situation in the countries of origin.

For more information, you can visit our homepage or contact the Berlin group at gruppe.berlin@sea-eye.de

The French Left and the Ongoing Workers Revolt

The conflict with Macron is at a plateau and can still go either way. How is the French Left responding? Latest in our reports from Paris


07/04/2023

The 11th day of action to defend pensions and oppose Macron, Thursday the 6th of April, again saw millions on the street, and hundreds of thousands on strike in a joyful festive atmosphere. This is despite police repression, and despite the refusal of national union leaderships either to organize an indefinite general strike or to give any real support to the more radical sections of workers, such as the oil refinery workers blockading oil depots with mass pickets (meanwhile the government sent in riot police and requisitioned some workers in order to force them to go to work).

Conflict at a plateau

Thursday’s day of action attracted fewer protestors, but still millions, in 370 demonstrations across France. Bosses’ representatives were complaining this week that each day of action “costs a billion and a half euros”. In Italy and Belgium there have been some solidarity strikes. Young people are far more in evidence at the demonstrations this week, hundreds of high schools and dozens of universities are regularly being blockaded, and the slogans are more radical than before. Thursday, hundreds of young people in Paris were chanting “we are young, fired up, and revolutionary” while a barricaded high school in the centre of France resounded to the chant “Down with the state, the cops, and the fascists!” In Paris last week, a bemused Norwegian pop singer, Girl in Red, cutely asked her concert audience to teach her a little French. The hall erupted with chants of “Macron, démission!” “Macron, resign!”

There are ongoing strikes in oil, air transport, docks and energy, although refuse collectors and several key rail depots have suspended strike action, feeling isolated after three or four weeks striking. And every day there are local demonstrations or motorways or wholesale centres blockaded. A few days ago over a thousand students at the university of Tolbiac in Paris were debating the way forward together.

The conflict with Macron is at a plateau. Neither side is prepared to give in, and the movement is neither accelerating nor collapsing. As the revolt continues, considering political strategy is essential. How are the Left organizations doing, faced with a huge and very popular revolt, and a national union leadership strategy which is unable to win?

Left organizations put to the test

A historic social explosion is always a test for any Left organization. In this article I want to briefly evaluate the different wings of the French Left in the crisis. This is a delicate exercise. Many thousands of activists in all the Left parties (and many non-party people) have been doing excellent work organizing strikes and protests, leafleting and caucusing, encouraging creativity and rebellion. Most of them have done more than I have, so I do not want to appear as a red professor giving them marks out of ten. But we need to win, this battle and many more, to defend ourselves and eventually to get rid of capitalism, so strategies must be understood and criticized openly.

The political landscape in France today has been formed by decades of neoliberalism and the powerful fight against it. In 1995, in 2006 and in 2019, huge strike movements were successful in winning defensive battles against pension attacks, or against attacks on workers’ labour contract conditions. In 2003, 2010 and 2016, massive movements were defeated by the government and laws implemented to reduce pensions, and to make it much easier to sack workers.

There are two key points here. One is that all these struggles, like the one going on right now, are defensive struggles, to stop the neoliberals taking stuff away from us. They are inspiring, but nevertheless they are defensive. Secondly, they involve a high level of political class consciousness. Millions of older workers went on strike and protested in 2006, when the government threatened a worse work contract for employees under 26. Millions of workers not affected personally by the present Macron attack on pensions are enthusiastically taking part in the movement anyway. The idea that “an injury to one is an injury to all” and the understanding that if they beat us in this battle they will be all the stronger for the next is extremely widespread.

Finally, we need to understand that even when the explosive movements lost on their immediate defensive demands, governments were generally obliged to shelve a whole series of other attacks they had been planning (as this month they shelved a racist immigration law, and also suspended a plan to reintroduce 2 weeks of national military service for all young people).

After the Socialist Party destroyed itself

It is this energetic class struggle which has formed the political landscape today. The Socialist Party was electorally destroyed after the Socialist government introduced new labour laws in 2016, smashing national union agreements, reducing payment for overtime, etc. In the 2022 elections the party got 32 Members of Parliament ten times fewer than in 2012!

But the millions of people involved in the mass movements I have mentioned, sometimes victorious, sometimes defeated, were looking for a political expression to their opposition to neoliberalism. They didn’t become millions of Marxists, because Marxism was still very solidly linked to Stalinism and Soviet imperialism in people’s minds, and because the Marxist organizations were not big enough or smart enough to grow much. But people were looking for a radical Left insurgent option, and that is what made France Insoumise (France in Revolt) possible. If you imagine that, in Britain, Jeremy Corbyn had left the Labour Party and built a radical Left alternative, which then went on to get seven million votes, that is France Insoumise.

France Insoumise calls for “a citizens’ revolution”, which is meant to happen by sweeping away the presidentialist fifth republic and putting a sixth republic in its place, while implementing a very radical programme. Retirement at 60, a turn to 100% renewable energy 100% organic farming, a big rise in the minimum wage, a billion euros for measures to fight violence against women, and so on.

The FI movement and its 74 MPs have been playing a positive role in the present revolt. When Prime Minister Borne announced that the attack on pensions would be forced through by decree, all the FI MPs held up signs for the cameras saying “See you in the streets!”. When the national union leaders called a day of action ten long days after the previous one, the FI called for rallies in front of all the regional government headquarters in the meantime. The FI’s strike fund has raised 900,000 euros. And this week, FI leader Melenchon is being taken to court by the Paris chief of police for “insulting the police”. He had declared that one particularly violent police squad should be dissolved and the “young men should be sent off for psychological help” because “Normal folk don’t volunteer to get on a motorcycle and beat people with batons as they pass by”. These few symbolic examples show the radicalism of the FI.

It is unsurprising that Macron is launching a major campaign against France Insoumise. He accuses it of “wanting to delegitimize our institutions”. His hardline interior minister Gérard Darmanin is denouncing the “intellectual terrrorism” of the radical left. The entire left must be ready to defend the FI against right-wing attacks, whatever other disagreements subsist.

There is still much missing, however, in the FI approach. In many ways a traditional reformist organization, seeing parliament at the centre of its medium-term strategy, the organization accepts a “division of labour” by means of which it is the role of union leaderships to run the strike movement, and political parties should stay out of debates about strategy. This is disastrous when the union leadership’s strategy is so woefully inadequate. In addition, many among the FI leadership are keen to win this battle so that political life gets “back to normal” and politics resumes through traditional channels. We Marxists, in contrast, are hoping that this battle will build up consciousness and organizational capacity which will make our class refuse to go “back to normal” political life, but rather start exploring how capitalism can be overthrown.

The rise of France Insoumise and its successful occupation of the radical Left space has left the French Communist Party squeezed out. It still has 50,000 members, of which nearly a third are elected local or regional councillors, and it has twelve members of parliament. Under its leader Fabien Roussel, it is trying to occupy a space clearly to the right of France Insoumise, to capture some of the people the Parti Socialiste lost but who were not tempted by Macronism, or even some of the far right voters. Roussel has shown this by declaring his support for nuclear power, by attending rallies organized by hard right police trade unions, and, right now, by prioritizing the campaign for a referendum on the pensions law (a process which would take months and require almost five million signatures).

The revolutionary approach

What, then, of the revolutionary Left? In France, there are three revolutionary organizations with a couple of thousand of members each, one with about a thousand, and four with a couple of hundred each. One or two of these latter groups operate inside France Insoumise networks, since the FI is an extremely loose organization. Some of the most radical actions, such as taking busloads of students to join mass pickets at the oil refineries, or organizing regular grassroots inter-union meetings, have been initiated by revolutionaries. And some of the most important questions, such as how to move from a powerful defensive movement to an offensive against neoliberalism and capitalism, are put forward by Marxists.

Yet there is a crucial lack. There is no organization setting up public meetings in every town entitled “General Strike: Why and How?” There is no organization calling rallies in front of the regular meetings of the national union leaderships, pushing them to call a real general strike. Most revolutionaries are following a strategy of “pushing the movement forward as far as possible”. This is obviously essential, but leaves the general strategy in the hands of union leaderships. A clear analysis of the role of trade union leaders as professional negotiators with specific interests (which rapidly conflict with those of workers when struggle rises) is generally absent.

The 11th day of action is on April 13, but the weakness of the weekly day of action as a sole national strategy is ever more visible. Less combative organizations are suggesting the solution is to spend months campaigning for a referendum. But what is needed is an indefinite general strike.