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“Children should not be drawing tanks and dead bodies”

Interview with Awni Farhat (Palestine Humanitarian Response Campaign) about the exhibition Witness: Genocide through children’s eye


14/08/2024

Thanks for talking to us. Could you start by briefly introducing yourself?

My name is Awni Farhat. I’m the founder and director of the PHRC, the Palestine Humanitarian Response Centre. It’s a nonprofit organization. We work in Gaza, mainly on issues around children with trauma. We have a team of experts in different areas, and our focus is on trauma relief. 

In Gaza, during the beginning of this genocide, we built a Children’s Village in Rafah. And every day we had more than 250 children come and join our activities. We have different corners, we have theatre, we have a music corner, we have different small games, we have music, we have different spaces where children can get a sense of childhood again. Because what’s happening now in Gaza takes their childhood away.

It’s just very, very horrific that a lot of people don’t even have spaces to be with their own children. We have created a space where children can be reminded of their own childhood.

And you had to move the space from the original venue?

Since May, after the ground invasion, everyone has relocated, and were forcibly moved from Rafah to other places. Rafah now is a ghost town. Families, children, team members – everyone has evacuated from Rafah.

We now have two locations. At the same time we are building a big location on the beach. The beach has a very strong connection with Palestinians. It’s the only open space. In Gaza, everything’s landlocked. There are no spaces for breathing. But the beach is the main space for Palestinians to connect with the outside world. 

Also for trauma relief and trauma therapy, being close to the beach plays a huge role in dealing with the situation, and creates a space for hope and light. It’s really important, especially at this time when children develop their understanding of the world. If everything around them is dark, they’re going to develop a very dark understanding of the world. 

We’re trying to change this. We’re trying to plant seeds of hope and lightness in these dark times.

Do you think that the bombing affects children in a specific way differently to adults?

Children are very resilient. It depends more on where you are and how old you are. The aware children are affected more – those who are 14, 15, 16 get impacted the most. Those who are 5, 6, or 7 are still developing their conscious and understanding of the world. If they are not treated, they’re going to develop mental disorders forever. And then there are the ones in the middle who are very resilient and very, very smart – they need care. I think it’s important to provide care and love.

But Palestinian children are very resilient. If you grow up in a situation like this, you build a ceiling which is quite high compared to another child who is outside this situation. 

It affects them deeply. And the drawings in this exhibition are the living proof that we have today. Children should not be drawing tanks and dead bodies and rocks. They should be drawing rainbows and flowers and happy faces and not this.

Let’s talk about the drawings. We’re here at Witness, an exhibition of drawings from children in Gaza. It was in Amsterdam, it’s now being shown in Berlin. Can you tell me a bit about the idea behind the exhibition?

This exhibition features artwork made by children. And we wanted to bring the original drawings for people to come and see them. You don’t have access to what’s happening in Gaza. You don’t have access to what’s happening in Palestine. You see it from behind your phone and everything is peaceful.

We are breaking the censorship, and bringing physical proof to people to come close to it. You’re standing in front of an A4 picture which was drawn by a child. You don’t have access to this visible proof because everything is monitored, everything is censored. 

So we are trying to break these boundaries and come close to people. People can witness it, people can see it, people can look at it, people can relate to it, because a lot of people would have children, they have siblings, they have young people in their life, and this can be anyone in their own family. 

What has been the reaction of people so far to the exhibition?

It’s important. Everyone reacts differently. It’s quite shocking for most people to see that children can draw things like this. At the same time, it’s very different. They are not used to saying things like this. It’s quite shocking because they never even know what a tank looks like, what a rocket or a bullet looks like. Children in Gaza do, because this is the reality they have around them. It looks like this. 

For me, children are the most pure, honest people in the world. They can communicate their feelings and emotions much easier than speaking. They can put it on paper. It’s my responsibility to bring this message to the people who don’t see. 

I went to Gaza. I was there during November. Now no one can get in and no one can get out because they’ve closed the Rafah crossing. It’s completely detached from the entire world. Unfortunately, Palestinian people don’t have freedom. They can’t freely travel, and they can’t bring their voices to people outside.

These drawings are screaming out in this exhibition area to show the reality of what’s happening in Gaza. These are the voices of these children. I wish everyone can come and see it. 

How would you like people to react? They come, they see the drawings, they see the films you’re showing. What should they do?

It’s a call for action. You can’t control how people react. You can’t control how they will feel. But the main objective is a call of action. I hope that people leave this exhibition and feel responsible. They are a witness who can do something about it. 

We can do so much here. We have so much privilege. Unfortunately, of course, in Germany you live under a very difficult political reality. But there’s still hope for change. And we need to change the political reality. We need to change the system. Because what’s happening outside the border of Europe is going to impact the policies and the core cause of our political stand.

Do you see that art has a role in changing realities? 

Yeah, definitely. Art is art. It is the window that artists, or creatives, can use to connect with people through a community understanding of taking action. And now we’re using this as a tool to connect and let people come close.

These pictures have been drawn by kids in Gaza. Have you talked to the kids afterwards? How are they now?

Unfortunately, after the Rafah invasion, we lost contact with most of the children, because they have relocated. Some of them are still in Khan Younis and other areas. A lot of families are following us on social media. So we are in touch with some of them, we have their phone numbers and contact details. Some of them are also following the exhibition. 

We are trying to keep in touch, but people are evacuating every day to survive. And it’s very difficult to maintain the connection. But we know the faces, we have the names, we have the contacts.

And if somebody is interested in putting on the exhibition somewhere else, what should they do? Who should they contact?

They can contact me at awnifarhat@hotmail.com. They can contact us on the website or Instagram. We did the exhibition in La Hague, we did it in Amsterdam. This is the third time. Hopefully, we will have a good experience in Berlin. I was quite skeptical at the beginning, given the situation here.

Is there anything else that you’d like to say? 

I wish more people come and see this exhibition, more people who don’t have any relationship with Palestine, or what’s happening. I wish more parents come and see it. I wish people who don’t have this exposure to come and get exposed. I don’t want to convince them, I don’t want to talk to them, I just want to see.

That’s the main thing. Because we are creating space and access. The exhibition’s name is Witness. And I think it’s important that if you have access to exposure, you can’t unsee it again. That’s the main thing. As humans, you have responsibilities to live your life with due responsibility. You create a life where everyone is equal, not as someone having power over your rights.

These children, they don’t have rights, because others decided to take these rights away. 

What do you think people can do to help the children?

First, given where we are now, I think we need to push a lot to change things in politics. We need to change how people perceive Palestinians. We need to humanize Palestinians again. There has been a long, long, long history of propaganda and brainwashing creating a narrative which is only based on one side. We need to change this now.

I am here as a Palestinian man, as a human, and I think it’s quite scary sometimes just to walk around and wear the kuffiyah. This is only because there’s a huge propaganda happening against what’s happening in Palestine. I wish we can change this. I want people to be the voice. This can be any of their family members. We need to act as a collective to protect these children.

A Million Kites

An Evening of Hope and Healing

“This tiny-big book – as I like to call it – is a petition for life, a prayer for peace that arrives through the untarnished voices of the children of Gaza. Some of these children have died since sharing their childlike desires and plans for peace.”

Myfanwy Woods-Jack

Join us on Thursday, 15th August 2024 for a special fundraising event at the bUm Auditorium. From 6:30 PM to 9:30 PM, we’ll gather to uplift the voices of Gaza’s children through readings, music, and conversation.

Program Highlights:

  • Author’s Reading: Leila Boukarim and Asaf Luzon will read excerpts from “A Million Kites,” sharing powerful poems and testimonies from Gaza’s children.
  • Musical Performances
  • Panel Discussion & Q&A: Leila Boukarim, Asaf Luzon will discuss the impact of the book and the situation in Gaza.
  • Community & Networking: Network and connect with fellow attendees.

Tickets: Please donate an amount you feel comfortable with at the entrance.

All donations and book sales will go directly to supporting Palestinian children in Gaza.

Don’t miss this opportunity to be part of a night filled with hope, healing, and solidarity.

You can reserve a ticket here.

 

Agenda   

18:00 – 18:30  Doors Open

18:30 – 18:40  Welcome

18:40 – 19:10  Author’s Reading

19:10 – 19:25  Musical Performance

19:25 – 19:55  Break

19:55 – 20:10  Second Musical Performance

20:10 – 20:55  Community & Networking

20:55 – 21:30  Meet and Greet

News from Berlin and Germany, 14th August 2024

Weekly news round-up from Berlin and Germany

NEWS FROM BERLIN

Rigaerstrasse 94 faces the end

For 34 years, Rigaer Straße 94 has defied the gentrification of Friedrichshain’s northern neighbourhood and the disintegration of the autonomous scene. Now, however, according to “taz”, a group of former residents who are still in possession of rental contracts have decided not to mount any further legal defence against the owner’s eviction proceedings. This would affect the majority of the flats in the side wing and rear building – the core of the radical left-wing project. The background to this is both legal risks in view of a new line taken by the Berlin courts and a dispute over the Middle East conflict, as well. Source: taz

Wegner promises Bürgerämter will offer walk-in appointments

The mayor of Berlin, Kai Wegner (CDU), has promised that the citizens’ office (Bürgerämter) will offer appointment-free days, during which people can drop by without booking one. Since 2012, it is possible to visit the Bürgeramt – where citizens must go to get a registration certificate in the city or change their driving licence – only with an appointment. In recent years that has become much more difficult, due to the long waiting time for getting it. Opposing parties show concern about the administrative measures for such modernisation. The Left Party, among others, commented the new system would only lead to further chaos and stress for employees. Source: iamexpat

Potsdam decriminalises riding public transport without a ticket

The Potsdam Transport Service GmbH announced it will no longer file criminal charges against people caught riding public transport without a ticket on multiple occasions. It means passengers travelling on public transport in Potsdam still need a valid ticket and if they are caught without one can still face a fine, but not criminal proceedings. Such decision was taken after the Potsdam Left Party pushed to decriminalise “Schwarzfahren” (literally “riding black”), and it follows similar determinations taken recently in other cities such as Bremen, Cologne, Dresden and Halle, among others. In neighbouring Berlin, the Senate for Justice has already said the capital will not follow in Potsdam’s footsteps. Source: iamexpat

NEWS FROM GERMANY

Majority of Germans against military aid for Israel

Many people in Germany are against the Bundeswehr providing military assistance to Israel in its defence – for example with Eurofighters for drone defence. As shown by the latest ARD DeutschlandTrend. According to the survey, 68 percent of respondents do not think it would be right for Germany to provide Israel with military defence support. Oppositionally, 21 per cent came out in favour. The current DeutschlandTrend also asked whether Israel’s military reaction against the terrosit attacks commited by Hamas have gone too far to which 57 percent of those polled saying that is has. When asked if Israel’s military actions are justified if the Palestinian civilian population is also affected 68 per cent consider Israeli attacks unjustified. Source: br

Citizen’s income is too high for the FDP

Following the debate on tougher sanctions for those who refuse to work, the FDP has criticised the level of the citizen’s allowance for all recipients. Single recipients of citizen’s allowance currently receive 563 euros per month. Too much, says FDP parliamentary group leader Christian Dürr. In view of the inflation trend, the citizen’s allowance is “currently 14 to 20 euros too high per month”, he said. The SPD reacted angrily to it’s governing partner’s latest comment. It thinks “absolutely nothing of constantly creating uncertainty with completely half-baked ideas far removed from reality”, said Martin Rosemann, the SPD parliamentary group’s labour market policy spokesman. Source: tagesschau

LGBTQ+ rights to constitution: German politicians split over it

The 3rd Article of the German constitution states: “No person shall be favored or disfavored because of gender, parentage, race, language, homeland and origin, faith or religious or political opinions.” To that, the German government wants to incorporate a protection for sexual identity. Any change to the constitution requires however a two-thirds majority in the Bundestag and in the Bundesrat. Support from other parties such as the conservative CSU and CDU are essential, since the traffic-light coalition does not hold the needed seats for it. Source: dw

Hamburg-Berlin train line to be closed for months

The Hamburg-Berlin railway line connects the two largest cities in Germany. Due to its poor condition, a month-long refurbishment is imminent – the first of two. The construction work is scheduled to last from this Friday until the timetable change on 14 December. This will result in considerable restrictions on long-distance and regional services for around four months. “Among other things, more than 74 kilometres of track and 100 points between Wittenberge and Ludwigslust as well as between Hamburg and Büchen and around Hagenow Land will be renewed,” the Deutsche Bahn announced. Long-distance trains will be diverted westwards via Stendal, Salzwedel, Uelzen and Lüneburg. Source: n-tv

Queer Pride in a Time of Genocide

A report from Berlin’s Dyke* March


13/08/2024

July 26, 2024, Karl-Marx-Platz, Berlin Neukölln. I’ve arrived early, and now I am observing the changing scene, as more and more demonstrators are flocking in. I am equal parts tense and excited because the Dyke*March is not predictable. There are quite a few Kufiyas to be seen, but soon I also observe a small group at the corner of Karl-Marx-Straße who are holding up Zionist posters. And where is the Dykes4Palestine block that was announced on Instagram? Is it that group over there? Or the roughly equal-sized group over here?

“Excuse me,” someone asks me in German, “is this protest for Palestine?” “Well,” I say, and then I tell them what I know: that it’s a march for lesbian visibility and that the organizers made a statement condemning the genocide in Gaza. 

Does a condemnation of the genocide make the Dyke March “for Palestine”? And what are we going to do about that Zionist corner over there?

There are all these uncertainties in the air.

Then it happens. There is motioning, we move over next to the van, and we erupt chanting Free-Free-Palestine from the depths of our lungs, and Zionism-Is-A-Crime, Yalla-Yalla-Intifada, Stop-the-Genocide, Freedom-for-Palestine, Freedom-for-Sudan, Freedom-for-Kongo, Freedom-for-Kurdistan and on and on. The energy is high. When one chant leader drops out, the next one picks up. We are many!

I also see those who are not chanting but watching us, calmly, their faces revealing nothing. They must be taking note in some way.

After maybe ten minutes we shout a last loud “Free Palestine” and then the air space is taken by an organizer’s voice resounding through a megaphone. The voice announces that the demonstration will start soon, and it reminds everyone that it is a demonstration for lesbian visibility. They also suggest that we should practice solidarity among each other. Somebody translates into English for their comrades, and they chuckle.

Apparently the intensity of Palestine solidarity messages overwhelmed at least this one organizer’s expectations and preferences.

The organizer’s lack of experience with Palestine solidarity also became apparent in a funny little moment when they had to read out the restrictions. Anybody who has been to the anti-genocide protests has heard these anti-Palestinian litanies that routinely remind us of the names of all the Palestinian factions that we are forbidden to support, among other things, before we get to have our demonstrations. 

The Dyke* March organizer, unfamiliar with the procedure, approached the task by attempting to paraphrase the restrictions in their own words, integrating as it were their own political messaging with the restrictions on the right of assembly conveyed by the cops. The cops seemed not to appreciate the integrative gesture, though, as the organizer was interrupted and instructed that this is not how it goes, until they read the statement verbatim.

When the march started filling into Karl-Marx-Straße, the pro-Palestinian demonstrators walked ahead, and we took to chanting again. There were many cops lining the demo. At some point I dropped to the side, looking for my friend and demo buddy with whom I had failed to united with so far because of all the excitement on Karl-Marx-Platz. There was a strong presence of Palestine solidarity for as long as I could see, and I waited a few minutes, letting the march pass by.

“We ain’t family until Palestine is free,” read one memorable sign that spoke well to the Dyke* March setting and also resonated with its North-American connections, since it is in some North-American contexts that “family” is used among (mostly older generations of) queers as code for a shared fate of queers.

 “FLINTIFADA” was penned on another sign, merging the German acronym FLINTA (which stands for Women-Lesbians-Inter-Nonbinary-Trans-Agender) with the Arabic intifada, meaning uprising. 

Another prominent sign exhibited the ACT-UP slogan SILENCE = DEATH with a watermelon-themed graphic, placing the protest against the genocide of Palestinians in the tradition of protesting the AIDS crisis while highlighting the issue of silence and apathy among large groups of people. As  the Jüdische Stimme für gerechten Frieden in Nahost pointed out, the disruptive actions of ACT UP against the AIDS crisis have impacted other protest movements since then and they are present in today’s anti-genocide protests. The New York City Dyke March, which the Dyke* March Berlin cites as in inspiration, was founded by activists from ACT UP and Lesbian Avengers among others. Fittingly, the New York City Dyke March this year marched under the theme “Dykes against Genocide.” 

Dyke* March Berlin’s organizers did not adopt such a theme, but a rather large group of its participants did by means of the banners and slogans that we brought. It was the first time that I experienced Palestine solidarity to be dominant in a minimally defined leftist and/or queer space in Germany. Minimally defined in the sense that the Dyke* March has no elaborate political commitments. Very much unlike the Internationalist Queer Pride Berlin (IQPB), which was to take place the following day. IQPB has a clear position, equally put down in writing and born out in the living practice of organizing alliances, where unequivocal solidarity with Palestine is an integral part of a coherent anti-colonial, anti-capitalist internationalism.

The Dyke*March Berlin is different. Its goal is lesbian visibility. It takes no corporate or state funding. And it is trans-inclusive. That, in a nutshell, is it. There are no speeches and usually no long statements. It is a march followed by a party.

Yet, it also embraces the self-image as “a protest demo, not a parade.” And in any protest, the question what the protest is for or against, matters. The Dyke* March Flyer spoke only vaguely about “taking a stand against hatred”.

The condemnation of the genocide in Palestine came later, and not very prominently placed, in an otherwise untitled “Statement by the organisers on the solidarity bar at Möbel Olfe on July, 7th and on the Dyke* March Berlin 2024.” Summed up briefly, one learns that there was a fundraiser for the Dyke* March at the bar Möbel Olfe, which was ended early after a course of events that was provoked by a group of people who stickered Israeli flags, among other things, and declared their table a “safe space for Jews and Israelis.” The Dyke* March organizers condemn the “unannounced political action” of this group, accuse the group of wanting to provoke and divide, and blame it for the premature end of the fundraiser.

A statement by the anti-colonial feminist collective Perrxz der Futuro describes the course of events at said fundraiser differently. In a statement titled “No Dyke Pride in Genocide” they write this about the fundraising event:

“After several hours into the party, we noticed that, in a very visible space inside the bar, there was a table with five people with stickers, flyers and signs that said “No pride in Hamas”, ”believe Israeli women”, “safe table for Israelis”, among other things. The situation generated great alert in us so we sought to speak with the organizers of the Dyke march, who ignored us, did not give importance to the situation and referred us to speak with the people at the bar.”

The statement goes on to describe that the Dyke* March team later yelled at the anti-colonial group, while the Zionist group filmed the anti-colonial group and called the cops on them. 

I conclude, or suspect, that there was some internal reckoning after the fundraiser on the part of the Dyke* March organizing team which led them to articulate a statement more critical towards the Zionist group, and more embracing of the anti-colonial feminist group than they had been in their actions on that evening. In that statement they also wrote down the following: “As we demonstrate on the streets of Berlin, we want to reaffirm our solidarity with marginalized, oppressed groups worldwide. We condemn the current genocide in Palestine and other parts of the world.”

Perrxs del Futuro comments as follows:

“In the light of the recent statement published by Dyke March Berlin, we believe that taking a stand is necessary, but not sufficient.
The fight against oppression, violence and genocide must be firm. It is not enough to declare it in writing, but to act accordingly.
Without the insistence on those of us who were alerted to the presence of Zionist propaganda in the place, neither the organization not the bar would have done anything about it.
It is not enough to denounce antisemitic attitudes, but also Zionist attitudes, calling them by name.
It is not enough to say that they are on the side of the oppressed, if at the moment when they are needed, they ignore us, mistreat and violate us.”

Many contradictions remain with the Dyke*March Berlin, as the statement of Perrxz del Futuro make clear. The insistence by a small group of anti-colonial feminists to challenge the Zionist propaganda at the fundraising event had a big effect. Without it, the Dyke* March team may never have published their condemnation of the genocide. Insufficient and shaped by contradictions as it was, this condemnation made a significant opening in the Zionist-dominated (queer/political) landscape in Germany and was likely motivating many pro-Palestinian lesbians, queers and trans people and our allies to come out and participate in the Dyke* March to protest for an end to the genocide.

The experience of the Dyke*March Berlin shows that the Zionist German ruling ideology is full of cracks, and that political spaces are capable of starting to rid themselves of it. Not being dependent on public or corporate funding may well have been a significant factor.  I am convinced that a newly powerful Left (in Germany) will be anti-Zionist, or it will be non-existing. The experience at the Dyke March gave me hope that we may see the first, thanks to all the relentless acts of confronting and challenging and protesting in spaces big and small. Gaza is changing all of us.

There was brutal violence by cops and there were detentions. One widely circulated video captured a moving act of spontaneous, very soft-spoken solidarity with a detained protester: A young protester is pressed against the wall of a pharmacy in Karl-Marx-Straße while getting detained by a cop, and an older woman who was resting by the windowsill of the pharmacy comforts the protester by gently stroking and kissing her arm. With this scene I shall end my report.

The obvious solution

“Equality or nothing!” from the river to the sea.


12/08/2024

Nothing is left of human dignity in Gaza, while the world simply looks on in horror. But at the same time global civil society resistance grows in spite of massive intimidation. Forward-looking Palestinians and Israelis campaign for a common perspective on one democratic state. Now more than ever.

By now even in Germany and in other countries with close ties to Israel,  more and more people are dismayed by the horrendous images and news from Gaza. When they hear about the “two-state solution”, which has recently come back into vogue, this seems to them a way out.This to them means Israelis and Palestinians living “peacefully side by side“, protected from each other in their ethnically defined little states. Anna Baerbock recently tactfully reminded Israel to re-consider this „conflict resolution“

“Conflict resolution” assumes that two populations – or two quarreling kids – with different interests are at loggerheads with each other. In the case at hand “the two sides“ are apparently unable or unwilling to come to an agreement. So better separate them and give them each their own territory . However, this “solution” with two states, one Israeli and one Palestinian, has been off the agenda for some years. It became impossible to overlook the fact that on the one hand there is a state with considerable power, on the other hand a powerless population. In the world we all live in a population without a state is virtually nothing, individually as well as collectively/politically. 

The Palestinians are confronted with Israel, a state. Whereas they themselves are scattered across the West Bank, Gaza, Israel “proper“ (with 2nd class citizenship), and “ware-housed“ (Jeff Halper) in refugee camps in neighbouring states and elsewhere in the world. Israel is equipped with all the means of power that statehood implies. It rules over all the inhabitants and the entire territory, from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea, in every respect (borders, economy, resources, jurisdiction, legislation, military …). Israel has never questioned this supremacy, neither in the times of the “Oslo Peace Process“ nor at any time before or after, neither under left-wing nor under right-wing governments. Indeed, Israel has consistently and systematically created conditions that do not allow for two separate, contiguous territories for two sovereign states.

In any case, Netanyahu recently candidly proclaimed that his government completely denies Palestinian claims to their own state. He shattered a fiction that the international community, peace loving people in Israel and all over the world and for a while even Palestinians believed all these years.

You can almost feel sorry for Anna Baerbock and colleagues.

How much longer can the structures and practices that keep Israel the uncontested owner and ruler of Palestine be overlooked? How much longer can “The Emperor’s New Clothes” politically convenient denial of reality continue? It was acceptable to the western supporters of Israel as long as the conflict stayed safely contained in the Palestinian ghetto. But now things get out of control, and “spill over“ into further catastrophes and wars…

Since the beginning of the Oslo “peace process”, with the “two-state solution”, some Palestinian and Israeli intellectuals/activists agreed on what the process was about: not peace but pacification by endless negotiations. That enabled Israel to realize its ambitions without restrictions. In this  undertaking  Germany was more helpful than any other ally.

At first glance it is suprising this was accomplished mainly via the generous financial support of the Palestinian Authority (PA). This Palestinian “government“ – of some patches of the Westbank (and formerly also Gaza) – uses German aid to pay for what the Authority needs to provide for the Palestinian population. German aid also pays for a considerable proportion of what Israel (as occupying power), is obliged to provide to the occupied Palestinian civilian population in the zones under direct occupation.

The civilian infrastructure regularly destroyed by Israel in the PA or occupied territories is rebuilt mainly with funding from the Federal Republic of Germany. What’s more, Germany has always been happy to ensure the security of the occupying power and the violent settlers. The Palestinian “security forces” are fully equipped and trained with German assistance. They are regularly deployed by the PA to brutally repress any protest against the occupying power or the PA. They are absolutely not meant to protect Palestinians against IDF and settler brutality. 

In short, Germany helps financially and in word and deed to keep the gig running in the sense of Israel as long as “peace” and the “two-state solution” are the order of the day. Neither was ever intended to be fulfilled.

In 1993, immediately after the handshake between Arafat and Rabin, the Palestinian-American literary scholar Edward Said understood what this agreement was about: “The vulgar staging of the ceremony at the White House, the humiliating performance of Arafat as he thanked the world for giving up most of the rights of the Palestinian people… All this could only temporarily obscure the truly unbelievable extent of the Palestinian surrender.” 

The only alternative for Edward Said was co-existence of Palestinians and Israelis in a common state on the territory of historical Palestine:

“I see no other option than to now finally address the sharing of the land in which we are thrown together, to share it in a genuinely democratic way, which means equal rights for every citizen. There can only be reconciliation when both peoples, both communities of suffering, realize that their existence is a secular fact to be dealt with as such.“

The Israeli historian Ilan Pappé wrote a few years ago that the failure of the Oslo process to achieve Palestinian sovereignty was inherent in it from the beginning: “The failure of Camp David in 2000 was not the end of a peace process. (…) Rather, the year 2000 marked the official establishment of the apartheid Republic of Israel.”

In light of the genocide in Gaza the world definitely no longer accepts this model of an apartheid state and settler colonialism. At least not the millions of people who since last October took to the streets, set up university camps, put pressure on parliamentarians and governments. They made it clear in a variety of peaceful ways that a ceasefire is essential, but also that any “solution” afterwards cannot be in the tradition of the disastrous “peace process”. 

This means that peace and reconciliation cannot be based on compromise, but only on the recognition and implementation of rights – including the Palestinian Right of Return as stipulated in the UN General Assembly resolution 194.

Emblematic of this concept are two authors/activists, one a Palestinian from Gaza, the other an Israeli Jew: Haidar Eid and Jeff Halper. I pick these two out of the long line of Palestinians and Israelis (and Jews) who over the decades have campaigned for and published on the prospect of a common state.

It is no coincidence that the titles of their most recent publications dove-tail as if previously agreed upon: Decolonizing the Palestinian Mind; and, Decolonizing Israel, Liberating Palestine: Zionism, Settler Colonialism and the Case for One Democratic State.

Those who assume “the two sides”, Israelis or Israel vs. Palestinians or Palestine, should pause. Which publication is the one by the Israeli, which the one by the Palestinian? In fact, both are characterized by a consistent criticism of what supposedly is “our side”. This independence of thought characterizes both Palestinians like Eid and Israelis like Halper who justly and uncompromisingly reject the Zionist project.

Eid’s book although written by the end of 2023, became overshadowed by   the ongoing genocide in Gaza. He left the Gaza Strip with his family early this year. As a well known voice from Gaza, he has been in great danger. It is not only journalists who have been particularly at risk in Gaza since 7 October 2023, but also other voices from Gaza that are perceived in the world, such as Refaat Al-Areer, poet and professor of Anglophone literature, who had connections in the USA and the UK, or the journalists killed by the IDF in Gaza since 7 October 2023.

Eid assumes that de-colonization or de-Zionization of Palestine/Israel as a whole must be the goal. For him Palestinians must repudiate  the role played by the collaboration of all Palestinian parties of the PLO and Hamas in maintaining Israeli colonialism and apartheid. He accuses Hamas of having adopted the long-disavowed two-state solution like everyone else. And: “The experience of Hamas‘s rule in the Gaza Strip offers a model en miniature of an Islamic state, while the West Bank stands for a Bantustan ‘state’ to be proclaimed.” The PA is currently offering to (co-)manage the Gaza Strip under the aegis of Israel and its allies. 

Eid points out Hamas’s role in subjecting Gaza „to an ideologically based social transformation… which has in particular further restricted women’s rights“.

Again and again, especially young Gazans, including many women, have risen up against Hamas’s rule. This shows how unfair reporting is, according to which the population of Gaza consists of nothing more than fanatical Hamas supporters and “innocent women and children”. Poor victims with no political agenda of their own.

Haidar Eid advocates a democratization of the traditional Palestinian institutions, which would also mean the dissolution of the PA (Palestinian Authority). Like many Palestinians he believes that this „government“ over (parts of) the Westbank has long been discredited. It has not faced an election for over two decades and functions exclusively for the benefit of Israel and a clique around the PA. Moreover, from the outset, this authority has only claimed to represent the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza, not those of the diaspora. 

With Edward Said, Eid demands “equality or nothing”. No coincidence that Eid’s thoughts go hand in hand with those of Halper. Both are members of the ‘One Democratic State Campaign (ODSC). Both are convinced such a campaign is urgently needed. Halper‘s focus as an Israeli “colonialist who refuses, as a comrade in the common struggle” is the relentless critique of “Zionism as a settler-colonial project”. In the second half of the book, he draws logical consequences: the necessary and possible de-colonization of historical Palestine. Israel, as Halper explains, is structurally partly an ethnocracy, partly an apartheid system but essentially a settler-colonial state from the river to the sea. 

Halper’s reflections, at first sight rather utopian, are – on the contrary – pragmatic and  precise. He takes serious account of the obvious objection that such an undertaking of de-colonization and the creation of a common state of equal citizens in Palestine/Israel is completely illusory, especially now. 

However, he details the conditions under which this would nevertheless be possible and makes clear what needs to be done. It is a lot. It needs a civil society movement of Palestinians, Israelis and others around the globe. It already exists in nuce. This movement must have a vision, a goal in mind: the outlines of a common community, a common life, a common identity.

Through his book Decolonizing Israel, Liberating Palestine, Halper insists that the colonized indigenous Palestinans have the last word. I conclude with the Palestinian intellectual/activist Omar Barghouti, as quoted by a “colonizer-who-refuses“:

“In parallel with the process of ending injustice and restoring basic Palestinian rights, and while oppressive relationships are being dismantled and colonial privileges done away with, a conscious and genuine process of challenging the dichotomy between the identity of the oppressed and that of the oppressor must simultaneously be nourished to build the conceptual foundations for ethical coexistence in the decolonized future state. Only then can the end of oppression give birth to a common, post-oppressive identity that can truly make the equality between the indigenous Palestinins and the indigenized settler as just, sustainable and peaceful as possible.”