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LETsDOK 2024

Documentary film festival 2024


11/09/2024

The national documentary film festival LETsDOK 2024 is already underway in Nordrhein-Westfalen, Hamburg, Niedersachsen, and Thüringen. In Berlin, the first film will be shown on Saturday, 14th September. This is the fifth year in which the festival has taken place.

LETsDOK 2024 stands in the tradition of equal rights and democracy. Real voices, true stories, lives that are lived — that’s what you can expect at this year’s documentary film festival. Experience emotional high points and deep-reaching narratives that inspire and touch. DIVERSE TOGETHER! Be there and let yourself be carried away by the authentic stories.

LETsDOK 2024 will be showing over 300 documentary films in different cinemas throughout Germany, including in Berlin. Unlike feature films, documentaries offer an unadulterated insight into reality and tell authentic stories from people, who embody courage, determination, and passion. These films show the diversity of human life and inspire you to look beyond your own horizon.

The diversity of films, subjects and perspectives is reflected in the wealth of offers by local initiatives. National coordinator Petra Hoffmann said: “With our choice of content, this year we are once more putting a clear focus on the subjects of the promotion of democracy, diversity, and against antisemitism and racism.”

Together with many other organisations and partners, LETsDOK2024 brings documentary films to villages, gardens, churches, synagogues, stations, mills, barns, monasteries, closed down shops, and even to a circus tent – places where cinema original came from, and to places where it “hurts”.

Experience the art of documentary films in unique locations and let yourself be touched by their authenticity and depths. Follow us on instagram and facebook, so you do not miss any event or venue. LETsDOK’s non-profit organisation docfilm42 aims at making independent documentary films more visible.

News from Berlin and Germany, 11th September 2024

Weekly news round-up from Berlin and Germany

NEWS FROM BERLIN

Pankow’s fight against right-wing spaces

Around 100 people gathered on Fröbelstraße in Prenzlauer Berg before the start of the Pankow district council meeting last Wednesday. The issue: supporters of the militant neo-Nazi party Der Dritte Weg and its youth organisation, the National Revolutionary Youth (NRJ), have been meeting regularly at the Rennbahnstraße sports complex in the Weißensee district. The demonstrators demanded that the district terminate the usage contract immediately, which caused broad discussions among the present politicians. Among them, Denise Bittner (CDU) condemned the “muscular ammunitioning” of the neo-Nazis in public spaces, but emphasised the absolute necessity of a legal basis for the contract’s termination. Source: taz

Protest at Lieferando in Berlin: “I demand respect”

Last Friday, many Lieferando’s workers went to a branch of the Burgermeister fast food chain in Eberswalder Straße, where a courier had allegedly been attacked by employees and ended up in hospital several weeks prior. There were signs reading “No tolerance for violence” and “I demand respect.” Burgermeister denied this account to several media outlets; the police confirmed the incident to newspaper Tagesspiegel. However, the course of events is still being investigated, as both sides have filed charges of assault. The Lieferando Workers Collective (LWC) and the protesters believe Lieferando has a duty to better protect its employees from violence. Source: nd

NEWS FROM GERMANY

More than 1,000 people demonstrate against the defence industry

More than 1,000 people marched through Kiel for the final rally of the protest camp against war and militarisation. The camp and the demonstration were initiated by the “Disarm Rheinmetall” alliance. According to police, the march had to be stopped repeatedly as demonstrators displayed prohibited symbols, set off pyrotechnics or threw buckets of paint. Five people were provisionally arrested. “There were repeated arbitrary police violence at the demonstration and indiscriminate arrests,” wrote the “Disarm Rheinmetall” alliance. The ThyssenKrupp Marine Systems (TKMS), The German Armed Forces and the naval base command in Kiel also stated that they would remain vigilant and monitor the overall situation. Source: ndr

Many in Germany are considering moving away due to the rise of the AfD

Many people with a migration background in Germany are considering moving away from their federal state – or even emigrating – due to the political rise of the AfD. This is the conclusion of a study conducted by the German Centre for Integration and Migration Research (DeZIM). According to the survey, almost one in four people with a migration background are at least hypothetically considering leaving Germany. Besides that, more than a third (33.8%) of respondents with a migrant background think of moving to another federal state if the AfD is in government in their own. Source: zeit

Shots fired at the Israeli consulate in Munich

A large-scale police operation startled the Bavarian capital last Thursday. A man fired several shots in the centre of Munich, where the Israeli Consulate General and Nazi Documentation Centre are located. Police returned fire and killed the attacker. According to taz, the shooter was an 18-year-old Austrian, Emra I., who had recently been categorised by Austrian authorities as an extremist. Eyewitnesses and the police reported that the man initially fired several shots using an older bolt-action rifle with a bayonet, which could be seen on videos circulating on social media channels. The police reported there are no other suspects. Source: taz

VW CEO wants a “hit car”

The causes of the crisis at Volkswagen (VW) are still unclear. The VW Group CEO explained that he believes the reasons are fewer vehicles being bought in Europe and new competitors from Asia pushing their way into the market. Nevertheless, it seems the situation for the brand is “alarming.” The costs for the proposed solution, a “hit car,” are once again unevenly distributed: since last week, there has been talk of job cuts and plant closures. Janine Wissler, leader of Die Linke, reminded in this case about the 4.5 billion euros that VW distributed to its shareholders in the last financial year. Source: jW

New labour record despite slump

People in employment worked a total of 14.7 billion hours from April to June – a new record. “Never before has so much work been done in Germany – in the middle of an economic downturn,” said researcher Enzo Weber from the Institute for Employment Research (IAB). The much-vaunted employment record was possible despite the ageing of society because of the higher participation of women and migrants in the labor market. Employment subject to social insurance contributions has risen in the service sector, particularly in areas such as education, care for the elderly, and healthcare. In the construction sector and in industry, on the other hand, employment declined. Source: nd

‘We’re in over our heads’

Around 300,000 asylum applications are being processed across Germany at the moment. CSU leader Markus Söder is calling for a significant reduction in their number in Germany. Migration is “over our heads,” he said, suggesting turning people back at the border as an instrument to reduce migration. The CSU leader also recommends a long-term change to asylum law. “We need to turn a subjective right into a fundamental institutional right.” FDP leader Christian Linder believes it necessary to control the number of asylum applications, but he is convinced that the country should also remain diverse and tolerant. Source: tagesschau

Price increases in food products

Consumers must dig much deeper into their pockets than a few years ago when shopping. Some products have become particularly expensive. There are numerous reasons for this, such as the effects of the coronavirus pandemic, the war in Ukraine, climate change and rising costs of raw materials, energy and labour. Foods for which mystery shoppers have registered the biggest price increases since July 2020 are olive oil (+112.6%), sugar (+83.3%), and wheat flour (+61.5%), to name a few. According to the Federal Statistical Office, only one food item is 2% cheaper today than it was then: citrus fruits. Source: berliner zeitung

Queer festival ‘Whole’ and the political significance of clubbing

The 2024 edition of Whole Festival was held from 2 to 4 August in Ferropolis. A month after its end, we reflect on its significance as an act of cultural resistance, especially today and especially in Germany


10/09/2024

It has happened several times that I’ve gotten into a debate with friends about the political significance of clubbing. The most idealistic believe that the political component is intrinsic to it, while the most sceptical see it as a mere form of entertainment. The 2024 edition of Whole Festival – arguably the world’s largest queer electronic music festival, which this year peaked at 9,000 attendees – makes a strong case for the former.

Whole is known to many as “the queer utopia”. Founded in 2017 by a collective of Berlin party organisers, the festival has been held in Ferropolis (Gräfenhainichen, in the state of Brandenburg, only a couple of hours from Berlin) since 2019. The location is an open-air museum that was once the centre of the brown coal industry in central Germany. ‘Utopia’ is used here not as a romantic idealisation, but in the most literal sense of the word: for the four days of the event there existed a political and social micro-structure completely unrelated to the location. In fact, in the small town of Gräfenhainichen, the far-right party ‘Alternative für Deutschland’ scored an astounding 35.6% at the European elections in June 2024, ahead of all other parties. This is a frightening projection in view of the national elections in 2025. Yet that’s exactly where Whole took place, paradoxically where the rights of its participants are most at risk.

The first thing I noticed upon entering the festival area was the amount of keffiyehs and Palestinian symbols worn by the ravers in the most diverse ways. It was a sight that filled my heart with overwhelming joy, reinforcing the stark contrast between the political situation outside its perimeter and inside. Not only did bodies of all colours, origin, gender and form gather to create a parallel universe of inclusion, but they also felt the need to express their support for the Palestinian people in a celebration of multiculturalism and solidarity. A true act of resistance reclaiming common spaces, especially in the German context characterised by a strong anti-Palestinian bias. It was also an act of liberation, in many ways akin to the “Temporary Autonomous Zone” of the anarchist writer Hakim Bey. In his collection of essays from 1991 entitled “TAZ: The Temporary Autonomous Zone, Ontological Anarchy, Poetic Terrorism”, he speaks of temporary spaces that escape formal structures of control, where people can experience autonomy and liberation without interference from constituted authorities such as the state. This is Whole Festival’s added value compared to its peers: to position itself at the intersection of music, queerness, and politics.

This intersection naturally results in dominant social norms having little to no value; Whole’s temporary community challenges them all, from gender to sexual and identity norms. This is precisely its aim: to provide a safe space for authentic self-expression, outside the control and judgement of heteronormative society. A space where the differences of each identity become a reason for unity and mutual enrichment in favour of an inclusive intersectional collectivity in which all voices, especially marginalised ones, are heard and valued. This approach is evident in several aspects of the festival, starting with the type of booking. The selection of DJs is not so much based on individual artists as on collectives from different parts of the world (this year from ten different countries). Each of them represents different identities: there was the Brazilian collective ‘Batekoo’, focused on the QBIPOC community, Berlin’s ‘Body Language’, a series of femme-focused community-building parties, Barcelona’s ‘Maricas’, a FLINTA* queer techno party, São Paulo’s ‘Mamba Negra’, run by women and serving as an activist platform for women, Blacks and the LGBTQIA+ community, Eris Drew & Octo Octa’s US collective and label ‘T4T Luv NRG’, championing the trans community and Kazakhstan’s ‘Zvuk’, which is transforming the Central Asian underground scene.

The inclusive aspect does not neglect accessibility practices, both physical and economic. Whole offered free admission for people accompanying participants with a disability card and set up barrier-free toilets and showers. While the festival publicly acknowledged that not all areas were accessible (some are not wheelchair-accessible, there are no guides for the blind, and accompanying dogs are not allowed due to the high volume of music) it was committed to finding individual solutions. This year saw the introduction of 1,000 community tickets, which are discounted tickets for people on a limited budget. The solidarity programme was also expanded (from 100 to 150), offering a free festival experience to members of the community who are most affected by systemic and economic inequalities, with a special focus on refugees, POC and Black people, trans and gender expansive people, and people with disabilities and those experiencing fatphobia.

Further distancing Whole from an event of pure entertainment is the rich programme of workshops and panel talks. These educational moments create a space for activism that promotes social change and raises awareness through the participation of members of the community. They also serve as a break from the music that never quite stops for four full days. Highlights included “Darkroom Discourse” about public sex and shared sex spaces, facilitated by writer and historian Ben Miller, co-author of “Bad Gays: A Homosexual History” and with Huw Lemmey (Verso, 2022), by João Florêncio, senior lecturer in History of Modern and Contemporary Art and Visual Culture at the University of Exeter and by activist collective DTF. There was also “Decolonising Desire: Navigating Misogynoir And Racial Fetishization In Sex-Positive Spaces” moderated by multidisciplinary artist Ivy Monteiro, part of Trans Safety Emergency Fund, and American-Australian author and artist Jennifer Neal (Notes on Her Colour, 2023, Catapult/Penguin Books Australia) on the participation of people of colour in sex-positivity. Another workshop was on the topic “Fund Healthcare Not Warfare”, facilitated by ACT UP activist, performer, presenter and writer Dan Glass and Palestinian physician Qassem Massri; “Innocent Until Proven Muslim. Understanding Anti-Muslim Hate”, hosted by political scientist and anthropologist Fouad Gehad Marei. Finally there was also the screening of the movies “Resistance & Resilience In The Palestinian Struggle”, “Mourning Ghosts – Queer Grief And Rituals” and “What Our Bodies Reveal: Queer & Trans Bipoc Ravers On Screen”.

The organisers stand in sharp contrast to the current political situation in Germany, characterised by a heavy climate of censorship and cancellation of events not in line with the government’s political stance (an extensive list of which is available thanks to the tireless work of the crowdsourcing platform Archive of Silence). While pro-Palestine initiatives by Whole are not new and date back to at least 2022 with the panel talk “Free Palestine as a Queer Issue”, this year the festival went public with a statement on Instagram acknowledging that “Queer liberation is part of a broader fight against oppression and the struggle for LGBTQ+ rights is inherently linked to broader movements for human rights and liberation, including struggles against racism, domination, and discrimination”. The statement continues: “In Germany, especially, there is an intensely polarising and repressive political climate that hinders and even penalises intersectional efforts to recognise the calamity of the situation. Despite all this, we stand in unwavering solidarity with those affected in their struggle for justice, freedom, self-determination, and equal rights”. This position was by no means a foregone conclusion, especially in the German context where institutions and organisations tend to self-censor and not take a stand, or even distance themselves from the matter in a cowardly and indignant manner by dismissing it as “complicated” for fear of repercussions, including the cutting of state funds. It is not known if or what consequences this stance had for Whole, but one episode in particular is emblematic of the surreal situation in Germany: the ex-comedian turned-fanatic-supporter-of-Israel who became famous for his ironic videos about Berlin life with the motto “It’s so Berlin” (whom I chose not to name), openly attacked Whole with a story on Instagram in which he incited his 243K followers to report the festival by accusing it of “apology of terrorism”, asking them to “call for an investigation into their funding and groups they’re associated with”. These kinds of unfounded accusations are used on a daily basis in Germany to silence anyone who expresses criticism of Israel’s policies and Germany’s complicity in them.

It is worth focusing on another unique element of Whole, namely its location. Situated in the midst of nature, it makes the festival an event intrinsically linked to its landscape. This deep connection with the natural environment has become one of the festival’s defining elements, making it an occasion not only to celebrate queer identity and community, but also to claim a form of liberation from urban spaces. Far from the concrete and asphalt of cities, Whole offers a context in which connection with nature becomes central. This environment allows participants to experience freedom and discovery, where direct contact with the earth, air, and water fosters a feeling of reconnection with self and others. The festival thus becomes a space where urban conventions are subverted, paving the way for new forms of expression and socialisation. Hence the importance given to FKK (Freikörperkultur) culture, or nudism, which is a fundamental component for many participants. Nudity is not only a physical practice, but takes on a political and social significance within the queer community. In this context, nudism becomes an instrument of rejection of traditional canons and norms imposed by urban society, promoting an idea of a free body, free of labels and open to authentic self-expression.

There would still be much to say about the course of the festival, from the music to the live performances, via the interruption caused by an alleged bomb alert within the premises of the festival and the doomsday-scenario storm, but it might be more interesting to detach for a moment from what went on to focus on what Whole has left us. One week after the festival, I found myself on a beach in Apulia (Italy) with my boyfriend. Quite by chance there was a group of guys next to us who had also been at Whole – it was the main topic of their conversation: their adventures, their encounters, their memories. Although now a whole month has passed, there’s still a lot to process in its aftermath. With certainty, the sense of gratitude for having witnessed the experiment of an international, interconnected queer community with anarchic traits, coming together to celebrate its existence and diversity, has transformed into a sense of belonging to something greater. And just as surely, Whole shows us that another model of society is not only possible, but urgently needed: one of inclusion, solidarity, acceptance and harmony with nature.

What remains with many, if not all, is a very specific kind of memories: those that seem simultaneously recent and distant. These memories have an almost surreal quality: time seems to expand or contract in a strange way. The idea of nostalgia might, in this context, be particularly apt to describe them: the past is remembered fondly, burdened by a sense of loss or distance. On the bright side, this melancholy will only last for one year. Until the next edition.

The AfD won big in Thuringia and Saxony – what now?

For the first time since the Second World War, a far right party has topped an election poll


09/09/2024

For the first time since World War II, a far-right party has won a state election in Germany. The AfD received the largest share of votes in the state of Thuringia, winning over almost 33% of voters, and the second largest in Saxony. So, now that an anti-immigrant, Eurosceptic party has more than just a foot in the door, what does the future hold for German politics?

The regional elections took place on Sunday, September 1st, with voters across Thuringia and Saxony, both located in former East Germany, heading to the polls. An election in Brandenburg is also scheduled for later this month. The AfD leader for Thuringia is Björn Höcke, one of the most hard-right members of the party, who has been fined for using Nazi slogans, and deemed an extremist by Germany’s domestic intelligence agency. 

But, how important are these elections to Germany’s political landscape as a whole? Thuringia is home to less than 3% of the German population, so, whilst the results indicate a worrying trend, the region is not necessarily representative of Germany’s wider voting patterns. 

The AfD now has a Sperrminorität, or a blocking minority, meaning that any decisions that require a two-thirds majority will have to be approved by the party. Olaf Scholz has called for a political ‘firewall’, asking other parties to unite to prevent the far-right from governing (something co-leader Alice Weidel has called ‘undemocratic’). Despite their recent success, analysts believe it unlikely that the AfD will participate in government, as no other parties will be willing to form a coalition with them. 

The results are indicative of a long-term pattern; that voters in eastern Germany are far more likely to vote for hard-right and populist parties (both left and right) than their western counterparts. The left-wing populist BSW (Bündnis Sahra Wagenknecht) performed very well, especially considering the party was only founded in January of this year, coming in third place in both Saxony and Thuringia. One reason for this disparity is the lasting political repercussions of the GDR era – a different understanding of democracy and national identity that the AfD has successfully exploited

The Russia/Ukraine war is an important issue in this election; in fact, Russian media has purported that the AfD and BSW’s success is down to their pro-Russian foreign policy. Links to Russia are stronger in the former-Soviet eastern states, and there are still large numbers of German citizens with Russian heritage (Russlanddeutsche). Studies have shown that Russlanddeutsche are more likely to vote for the AfD than the general population, and the promise of rekindling relations with Russia is a big draw. 

However, the AfD’s key talking point that likely won over Thuringia was immigration. The election came just over a week after a mass stabbing in the city of Solingen, where three people were killed by a Syrian man believed to be a member of Islamic State. His asylum application to Germany had been rejected, yet he managed to remain in the country. 

Politicians have used this case to push for more stringent immigration policies and fewer asylum admissions – Björn Höcke tweeted ‘Finally put an end to the misguided path of forced multiculturalisation!, and an AfD representative for Brandenburg called for a ban on asylum seekers attending public events. But it wasn’t just the far-right who politicised the incident; Olaf Scholz and other members of his coalition also called for more deportations, perhaps a tactic to minimise the AfD’s power, that has since backfired.

Olaf Scholz’s coalition government is unpopular. In retaliation to the current political establishment – made up of the SPD, the Greens and the FDP – many voters have turned to the far-right and populist left. It suggests a break from centrism across Germany, and a pivot to more extreme policies, particularly regarding immigration and international relations. Yet, the future of Germany’s political landscape will not ultimately become clear until September 2025, when the federal Bundestag elections will take place.

Chronicle of a Death Foretold

As expected, the AfD did well in the elections and Thuringia and Saxony. This makes it all the more important that we understand why

In Gabriel García Márquez’s world-renowned novel Chronicle of a Death Foretold, the reader knows from the very first page that the story will end in murder. Furthermore, this is not just an intuition. The author reveals in the very first sentence that the main character, Santiago Nasar, will be killed. Yet, the author’s narrative is so clear, and the language of the book so fluent, that despite knowing the ending, the reader continues to read with great curiosity.

Evaluating elections in Germany, unlike in many other countries, is often like reading Chronicle of a Death Foretold. Polls have a low margin of error. Political developments and candidates’ speeches from the parties already give away what the election results will be. Therefore, most of the commentaries on the state parliamentary elections in Thuringia and Saxony on Sunday, September 1, had already been written the previous week and had already reached the editors. The only thing missing from the articles on the editors’ desks were the election results, and there was an unoptimistic hope in the language that made one wonder “what if?”.

Just as we know Santiago Nasar will be killed in Chronicle of a Death Foretold, voters also knew that something would “die” in these elections. However, in this environment, both excessive hope and despair are meaningless. A good analysis of these two elections could revive some of the “things” that seem to have died in Germany.

The rise in support for the far-right AfD (Alternative for Germany), especially in eastern German states, was predictable. The initial results confirmed this: in Thuringia, the far-right party came in first place with a 6% lead, while in Saxony, they came in second by a narrow margin. It was also clear that the party surpassing AfD in Saxony being the Christian Democrats (CDU) would not make anyone on the political left happy. While a coalition between CDU, BSW (Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance), and SPD (Social Democratic Party) was expected in the Saxony parliament, in Thuringia, the only way to form a majority government would be for all the parties, except AfD, to agree on a coalition. The CDU had said they would never form a coalition with Die Linke (The Left), while it was known that Die Linke’s stance toward BSW wasn’t very positive either. In a minority government scenario without one of these parties, AfD could tie the hands of the parliament on matters such as the dissolution of parliament in extraordinary situations or the appointment of judges to the high court.

At this point, rather than being anxious about AfD’s rapid rise, it’s important to focus on understanding the reasons behind it. This is the only way to see the light at the end of the tunnel in the fight against far-right radicalism.

Wars and economic crises have left more than just bloodshed in world history. Far-right radicalism has always emerged as the rising tide in times of such crises. The crisis that began with the Ukraine-Russia war deepened when Germany, with an industrial-based economy, lost access to Russian gas. Inflation soared to levels not seen in a long time. The burden of taxes weighed heavier on citizens than ever before, and wage increases failed to keep pace with the rising cost of living. The ongoing housing crisis intensified. The social injustice between East and West Germany, combined with the government’s shifting budget from social services and education to defense, made the rise of far-right parties inevitable, especially those that based their politics on fundamental rights. These parties, with unfounded arguments, blamed all the existing problems on immigrants, denying Germany’s imperialist past and the fact that these issues existed long before the waves of migration. However, by presenting a tangible “enemy” and an immediate “target” to the impoverished masses, they garnered attention and successfully secured the votes of this segment of society.

At this stage, liberal parties with vague rhetoric, often criticized for being unclear, began to gradually lose the support they had found among voters. Parties that focused on the core issues of the majority, namely the lower-income groups, and that had clear principles, whether good or bad, started to rise. The existence of a left-wing party that centers around fundamental issues like peace, social justice, housing, and food security would be one of the most effective ways to prevent people who wish to oppose the detached and indifferent policies of the current federal government from being forced into the arms of the AfD.

For now, no party is willing to form a coalition with the AfD, which shows that there is still time and leverage to allow the development of the type of left-wing movement described above. It must be emphasized that the right to a decent life and social justice are the most important values for everyone, and that the poor people who voted for the AfD but are not part of the core of the party must also be convinced of this. Because without them we can never resurrect the “things that have died.”

This article was originally written in Turkish. Translator: Gülşah Gürsoy