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What is a Roadmap to Ecosocialism?

Invitation to an online forum on tackling Climate Change


17/08/2024

In the northern hemisphere’s summer months, the climate crisis is undeniable. Even the national, for-profit media outlets focus on devastating heat, droughts, and forest fires. These catastrophes displace stories of the obliteration of Gaza and the pillage of Ukraine with reportsfrom U.S. and European cities. These highlight the opening of cooling shelters for their poor and unhoused population. The more well-off take refuge in air-conditioned homes and workplaces while the wealthy take jets to cooler and safer destinations. This is just a microcosm of the human condition worldwide – where the poorer regions face even harsher devastations

To see how activists shoudl respond, the Global Ecosocialist Network and marxmail.world are holding an on-line forum to address climate change and environmental destruction on September 10th. The planned forum is anchored by four speakers after which there will be discussion. These prominent individuals are briefly introduced below. 

From the southern hemisphere, filmmaker Rehad Desai has documented conditions where there are fewer safe places than in the global north for far larger proportions of local populations: “The frequency of drought has increased over the last decade in … African regions … Over the last 8 years, only two seasons have been considered successful. Consequently, malnutrition among children now stands at record levels, affecting just over 20% of all children in the wealthier parts of the region, and climbing to high 40s as we get close to the equator” (MROnline). Desai is a leader of the Global Ecosocialist Network. He wrote that the needed “socialist response … will require, among other things, the public ownership of energy, a massive expansion of public transport, water, housing and land as public goods and the expansion and support of small scale farming” (greenleft).

A “massive expansion” of public goods was central to the campaign platform of Howie Hawkins who was the 2020 U.S. Green Party candidate for president of the United States. Hawkins’ “ecosocialist Green New Deal” has “two major programs, an Economic Bill of Rights and a Green Economy Reconstruction Program.” It includes a “guaranteed basic income” to protect workers from the insecurities of the labor market, and the nationalization of public power utilities to support green reconstruction of energy, manufacturing and agriculture. Hawkins proposes to fund these initiatives through cuts to U.S. war spending and the progressive taxation of income, wealth, corporate profits, and the enormous estates of the ultra-rich. These few have benefited from a half-century of neoliberal U.S. policies that concentrated wealth at the pinnacles of U.S. society. Hawkins’ platform decouples the “ecosocialist green new deal” from dependency on market mechanisms. 

In his book, Burning Up, energy researcher and historian Simon Pirani cautions against the market-based “green growth” policies of the U.S. Democratic Party, United Nations, and E.U. countries: Advocates of those policies declared “… that the world was now on the way to ‘green growth’.” But Pirani argues: “Actually, while a shift towards electricity generation from renewables had started in some countries, fossil fuels remained completely dominant in electricity and other energy-consuming systems.” This helps to explain how U.S. President Joe Biden’s supposed policies to reduce greenhouse gas emissions – in the future – have resulted in record U.S. extraction and export of fossil fuels in 2023. A U.S. federal agency recently bragged that “the United States produces more crude oil than any country, ever.”

As Sabrina Fernandes has explained “fossil capital and green capital… [are not] separate things.” Fernandes, a Brazilian writer and activist, is a Steering Committee member of the Global Ecosocialist Network. On the relationship between the global north and global south, she and co-author, Breno Bringel, wrote: “There is a big difference between a project of ecological transition that requires moving away from the current extractivist model and one that preaches a green and sustainable society in one part of the world through the creation of sacrifice zones elsewhere.” This is “green colonialism,” which is “about how old practices of appropriation and dispossession now take on a ‘green’ façade by taking control of key elements of the ecological transition such as minerals for electric vehicle batteries or hectares of forest for carbon credits.”

Between the hemispheres and among the world’s nations, the roadmaps to ecosocialism have differences and share similarities. Nowhere does the roadmap begin, however, with exhorting individuals to change their behaviors but rather to get people to change the power relationships in our societies. Pirani wrote that “it is social, economic and technological systems that consume resources, that individuals do so through those systems and that there is no direct, arithmetic correlation between their consumption and environmental impacts.” The roadmap to ecosocialism does not end, moreover, with climate mitigation but in reducing “resource throughput” that starts with destructive and inequitable resource extraction, followed by the wasteful use of resources in the production, distribution, and consumption of commodities. Each step of the process releases pollutants. The latter include CO2, plastics, and PFAS “forever chemicals,” which today permeate our environment to sicken both us and the creatures that share that environment. Our challenge is much larger than climate change. 

The Global Ecosocialist Network and marxmail.world are sponsoring this forum on September 10th to explore these roadmaps. The event is free. Sabrina Fernandes, Simon Pirani, Rehad Desai, and Howie Hawkins will start with 15 minutes each followed by audience questions. Please join us for this discussion of goals, strategy and tactics that may prepare us for more effective activism worldwide.

Are they just handing out German passports now?

A new law makes it easier for some people to German citizenship. Nathaniel Flakin thinks everyone deserves equal rights


Germany’s new citizenship law took effect on June 27, and there are some major improvements for Ausländer*innen. People can apply for a German passport after five instead of eight years, and dual citizenship is now generally accepted. This law, passed by the self-described »progress coalition« of SPD, Greens, and FDP, has taken Germany a small step away from “Blut und Boden” ideology and towards modernity.

For the conservatives and the Far Right, the changes mean that German passports are practically being given away at a clearance sale: Alexander Dobrindt of the Bavarian conservative party CSU used the term “verramschen”, while other CSU politicians have said immigrants need to “earn” their passports.

Even in my circles, I’ve heard liberals wonder if five years might be too quick. It’s always weird to be the lone foreigner in this kind of conversation. Do all these immigrants deserve full rights? Of course they don’t mean me – they were picturing those other, “dangerous” immigrants.

In our world, organized into capitalist nation-states, a person’s most basic rights are dependent on a state being willing to recognize them. Not having citizenship in the place you live means you can’t always feel truly safe in your home, and you can’t express your opinion the way others can. Do most people know what that feels like?

I was part of a tranche of Americans who got dual citizenship via a legal loophole almost a decade ago. Before that, I spent many years in Germany without as a foreigner. Even though I didn’t experience too much discrimination, it is an enormous burden to know that a faceless bureaucrat could expel you from your home with a stroke of a pen.

I always wonder: What did these right-wing politicians do, exactly, to »earn« their own passport, on the very day they were born? The idea that people’s rights should depend on the coincidence of birth is the very definition of racism.
To make the racism a bit less obvious, they say this is a question of “recognizing our values”, as if immigrants were a threat to democracy. As nd has reported, German authorities have been working hard to deport people accused of “antisemitism” for taking part in demonstrations against Germany’s support for Israel’s war in Gaza.

This is all rather rich coming from the CSU, who are currently in a coalition with Hubert Aiwanger, despite the fact that he was involved with an antisemitic leaflet (that his brother took responsibility for). In fact: White Germans seem to be far more likely to support so-called extremism than immigrants are. There are thousands of violent Nazis living in Germany, and I haven’t heard anyone call for them to be deported to Afghanistan. (Who would take them, anyway?)

An easy way to fight the AfD would be to give voting rights to everyone living in Germany. At the moment, 23 percent of adults in Berlin can’t vote. Can we really call it a democracy when so many people who are living in Germany are excluded because they don’t have the right citizenship?

At the risk of being called a dangerous extremist, I think absolutely everyone deserves the same basic democratic rights. The new law makes things a bit less undemocratic. But in the end, democracy means that everyone has an equal say. So yes, by all means, give those German passports away.

This is a mirror of Nathaniel’s Red Flag column in Neues Deutschland

My Voice, My Choice

New Campaign Calling for EU Action: Ensuring Safe and Accessible Abortion Rights Across Europe


16/08/2024

On April 24th, 2024, the European Citizens’ Initiative “My Voice, My Choice” was launched, rapidly gaining support with 100,000 signatures within its first week. The campaign addresses the restricted access to abortion in many parts of Europe, where stringent laws pose serious risks to the health of women, as well as many non-binary people and trans men. These laws place significant economic and psychological burdens, especially on those in financially struggling families. The initiative calls on the European Commission to propose financial support for member states that can offer safe abortion services, ensuring that all European women have access to safe and legal abortion care.

Across Europe, access to abortion services vary significantly, reflecting deep-rooted cultural, religious, and political differences among member states. The campaign seeks to unite voices across these diverse contexts, advocating for universal access to abortion as a fundamental human right. However, the campaign faces significant challenges, particularly in countries like Poland, Hungary, and Malta, where abortion laws are among the most restrictive in Europe.

Poland’s stance on abortion is one of the strictest in Europe. In 2020, the Constitutional Tribunal ruled to effectively ban almost all abortions, allowing the procedure only when the mother’s life is in danger or if the pregnancy results from a criminal act such as rape or incest. This ruling sparked widespread protests, with many women seeking abortion services abroad to circumvent the harsh domestic laws. Johanna, a woman from Poland interviewed by Human Rights Watch, experienced the difficulties caused by these strict abortion laws firsthand. When she had serious complications during her pregnancy, she decided to seek an abortion. However, the tougher laws made her doctor afraid to help her, fearing legal consequences. This hesitation left Johanna without the care she needed as her condition worsened. Her story illustrates how the country’s restrictive abortion laws are putting women’s health at risk and making doctors too scared to provide necessary medical help.

The campaign highlights such cases, using them to demonstrate the urgent need for policy change. One emphasis is the campaign’s call for financial support for countries willing to provide safe abortion services, aiming to alleviate the economic burden on women forced to travel abroad for care.

In Hungary, under the leadership of Viktor Orbán, a series of controversial abortion laws have been introduced. These include mandatory counseling and a “heartbeat law,” which requires women to listen to the fetus’ heartbeat before proceeding with an abortion. These measures create significant psychological barriers, making the process more traumatic and leading many women to seek abortions in neighboring countries. Adri, a Hungarian woman, found herself in an increasingly restrictive environment when seeking reproductive healthcare. With Hungary’s abortion laws tightening, she faced numerous bureaucratic obstacles, including mandatory counseling sessions and long waiting periods, which added stress and uncertainty to an already difficult decision. Unable to access the care she needed, Adri decided to travel to Austria, where abortion services are more accessible and supportive. Her experience reflects the growing trend of Hungarian women crossing borders to seek medical care, as restrictive laws at home force them to look elsewhere for their reproductive rights. The campaign uses stories like Adri’s to show the emotional and psychological toll of such policies, pushing for EU-wide support that would reduce the need for cross-border travel and ensure women can access safe, legal abortions in their own countries.

Malta has the strictest abortion laws in Europe, with abortion only permitted if the woman’s life is in serious danger. This severe restriction reflects Malta’s strong Roman Catholic heritage, where even limited access to abortion services faces strong opposition. The re-election of the Maltese politician Roberta Metsola as President of the European Parliament, despite her anti-abortion views, has heightened concerns among reproductive rights advocates about the future of abortion access in Europe. The My Voice, My Choice campaign is particularly critical of Malta’s laws, arguing that they deny women the basic right to make decisions about their own bodies. The campaign advocates for the EU to take a stronger stance in challenging the harsh restrictions still in place in countries like Malta.

In Italy, although abortion was legalized in 1978, cultural and religious influences continue to create significant barriers to access. Over 70% of Italian gynecologists refuse to perform abortions due to conscientious objection, making it difficult for women to find providers willing to carry out the procedure. Additionally, recent laws allowing pro-life protesters to demonstrate inside clinics have sparked public outrage and raised concerns about the erosion of women’s privacy and autonomy. The campaign draws attention to these ongoing issues in Italy, further emphasizing the need for EU intervention to protect reproductive rights. By highlighting the widespread practice of conscientious objection, the campaign seeks to ensure that women in Italy and other countries facing similar challenges can access abortion services without fear of stigma or harassment.

Germany’s abortion laws, though more liberal than those in Poland or Malta, still reflect a conservative approach. Abortion is technically illegal but not punishable if performed within the first 12 weeks of pregnancy following mandatory counseling. Recent proposals to decriminalize abortion entirely have sparked debate, with strong opposition from religious groups and conservatives who argue that such changes would undermine the country’s moral fabric. The campaign views Germany as a critical battleground for reproductive rights in Europe. Despite its relatively liberal laws, access remains restricted. As a leading EU member state, reforms in Germany could inspire broader changes across the continent, encouraging other nations to reassess their restrictive policies and ensuring that no one is denied the reproductive healthcare they need.

My Voice, My Choice aims to collect one million signatures by the end of April 2025, which would make the European Commission to consider recognizing it as a European Citizens’ Inititative. At the beginning of August, the campaign announced that it still needs 450,000 signatures to reach this goal. Its success could lead to significant policy changes, including increased EU funding for member states that provide safe abortion services and greater pressure on countries with restrictive laws to align with European human rights standards. Beyond policy change, the campaign also seeks to reshape public opinion across Europe. By raising awareness of the struggles women face in countries with restrictive abortion laws, the campaign hopes to foster a more supportive environment for reproductive rights, encouraging a shift in societal attitudes that could pave the way for more progressive legislation in the future.

With the campaign’s momentum growing, it has become a powerful call to action for women throughout Europe. It challenges the fragmented system of national abortion laws that leave millions without access to safe and legal services, calling for a unified European approach that recognizes abortion as a fundamental human right. In a continent where cultural, religious, and political differences often create deep divides, the campaign seeks to build bridges, advocating for a Europe where no one has to suffer or die because of restrictive abortion laws.

You can find more information about the campaign My Voice, My Choice here.

 

“Children should not be drawing tanks and dead bodies”

Interview with Awni Farhat (Palestine Humanitarian Response Campaign) about the exhibition Witness: Genocide through children’s eye


14/08/2024

Thanks for talking to us. Could you start by briefly introducing yourself?

My name is Awni Farhat. I’m the founder and director of the PHRC, the Palestine Humanitarian Response Centre. It’s a nonprofit organization. We work in Gaza, mainly on issues around children with trauma. We have a team of experts in different areas, and our focus is on trauma relief. 

In Gaza, during the beginning of this genocide, we built a Children’s Village in Rafah. And every day we had more than 250 children come and join our activities. We have different corners, we have theatre, we have a music corner, we have different small games, we have music, we have different spaces where children can get a sense of childhood again. Because what’s happening now in Gaza takes their childhood away.

It’s just very, very horrific that a lot of people don’t even have spaces to be with their own children. We have created a space where children can be reminded of their own childhood.

And you had to move the space from the original venue?

Since May, after the ground invasion, everyone has relocated, and were forcibly moved from Rafah to other places. Rafah now is a ghost town. Families, children, team members – everyone has evacuated from Rafah.

We now have two locations. At the same time we are building a big location on the beach. The beach has a very strong connection with Palestinians. It’s the only open space. In Gaza, everything’s landlocked. There are no spaces for breathing. But the beach is the main space for Palestinians to connect with the outside world. 

Also for trauma relief and trauma therapy, being close to the beach plays a huge role in dealing with the situation, and creates a space for hope and light. It’s really important, especially at this time when children develop their understanding of the world. If everything around them is dark, they’re going to develop a very dark understanding of the world. 

We’re trying to change this. We’re trying to plant seeds of hope and lightness in these dark times.

Do you think that the bombing affects children in a specific way differently to adults?

Children are very resilient. It depends more on where you are and how old you are. The aware children are affected more – those who are 14, 15, 16 get impacted the most. Those who are 5, 6, or 7 are still developing their conscious and understanding of the world. If they are not treated, they’re going to develop mental disorders forever. And then there are the ones in the middle who are very resilient and very, very smart – they need care. I think it’s important to provide care and love.

But Palestinian children are very resilient. If you grow up in a situation like this, you build a ceiling which is quite high compared to another child who is outside this situation. 

It affects them deeply. And the drawings in this exhibition are the living proof that we have today. Children should not be drawing tanks and dead bodies and rocks. They should be drawing rainbows and flowers and happy faces and not this.

Let’s talk about the drawings. We’re here at Witness, an exhibition of drawings from children in Gaza. It was in Amsterdam, it’s now being shown in Berlin. Can you tell me a bit about the idea behind the exhibition?

This exhibition features artwork made by children. And we wanted to bring the original drawings for people to come and see them. You don’t have access to what’s happening in Gaza. You don’t have access to what’s happening in Palestine. You see it from behind your phone and everything is peaceful.

We are breaking the censorship, and bringing physical proof to people to come close to it. You’re standing in front of an A4 picture which was drawn by a child. You don’t have access to this visible proof because everything is monitored, everything is censored. 

So we are trying to break these boundaries and come close to people. People can witness it, people can see it, people can look at it, people can relate to it, because a lot of people would have children, they have siblings, they have young people in their life, and this can be anyone in their own family. 

What has been the reaction of people so far to the exhibition?

It’s important. Everyone reacts differently. It’s quite shocking for most people to see that children can draw things like this. At the same time, it’s very different. They are not used to saying things like this. It’s quite shocking because they never even know what a tank looks like, what a rocket or a bullet looks like. Children in Gaza do, because this is the reality they have around them. It looks like this. 

For me, children are the most pure, honest people in the world. They can communicate their feelings and emotions much easier than speaking. They can put it on paper. It’s my responsibility to bring this message to the people who don’t see. 

I went to Gaza. I was there during November. Now no one can get in and no one can get out because they’ve closed the Rafah crossing. It’s completely detached from the entire world. Unfortunately, Palestinian people don’t have freedom. They can’t freely travel, and they can’t bring their voices to people outside.

These drawings are screaming out in this exhibition area to show the reality of what’s happening in Gaza. These are the voices of these children. I wish everyone can come and see it. 

How would you like people to react? They come, they see the drawings, they see the films you’re showing. What should they do?

It’s a call for action. You can’t control how people react. You can’t control how they will feel. But the main objective is a call of action. I hope that people leave this exhibition and feel responsible. They are a witness who can do something about it. 

We can do so much here. We have so much privilege. Unfortunately, of course, in Germany you live under a very difficult political reality. But there’s still hope for change. And we need to change the political reality. We need to change the system. Because what’s happening outside the border of Europe is going to impact the policies and the core cause of our political stand.

Do you see that art has a role in changing realities? 

Yeah, definitely. Art is art. It is the window that artists, or creatives, can use to connect with people through a community understanding of taking action. And now we’re using this as a tool to connect and let people come close.

These pictures have been drawn by kids in Gaza. Have you talked to the kids afterwards? How are they now?

Unfortunately, after the Rafah invasion, we lost contact with most of the children, because they have relocated. Some of them are still in Khan Younis and other areas. A lot of families are following us on social media. So we are in touch with some of them, we have their phone numbers and contact details. Some of them are also following the exhibition. 

We are trying to keep in touch, but people are evacuating every day to survive. And it’s very difficult to maintain the connection. But we know the faces, we have the names, we have the contacts.

And if somebody is interested in putting on the exhibition somewhere else, what should they do? Who should they contact?

They can contact me at awnifarhat@hotmail.com. They can contact us on the website or Instagram. We did the exhibition in La Hague, we did it in Amsterdam. This is the third time. Hopefully, we will have a good experience in Berlin. I was quite skeptical at the beginning, given the situation here.

Is there anything else that you’d like to say? 

I wish more people come and see this exhibition, more people who don’t have any relationship with Palestine, or what’s happening. I wish more parents come and see it. I wish people who don’t have this exposure to come and get exposed. I don’t want to convince them, I don’t want to talk to them, I just want to see.

That’s the main thing. Because we are creating space and access. The exhibition’s name is Witness. And I think it’s important that if you have access to exposure, you can’t unsee it again. That’s the main thing. As humans, you have responsibilities to live your life with due responsibility. You create a life where everyone is equal, not as someone having power over your rights.

These children, they don’t have rights, because others decided to take these rights away. 

What do you think people can do to help the children?

First, given where we are now, I think we need to push a lot to change things in politics. We need to change how people perceive Palestinians. We need to humanize Palestinians again. There has been a long, long, long history of propaganda and brainwashing creating a narrative which is only based on one side. We need to change this now.

I am here as a Palestinian man, as a human, and I think it’s quite scary sometimes just to walk around and wear the kuffiyah. This is only because there’s a huge propaganda happening against what’s happening in Palestine. I wish we can change this. I want people to be the voice. This can be any of their family members. We need to act as a collective to protect these children.

Queer Pride in a Time of Genocide

A report from Berlin’s Dyke* March


13/08/2024

July 26, 2024, Karl-Marx-Platz, Berlin Neukölln. I’ve arrived early, and now I am observing the changing scene, as more and more demonstrators are flocking in. I am equal parts tense and excited because the Dyke*March is not predictable. There are quite a few Kufiyas to be seen, but soon I also observe a small group at the corner of Karl-Marx-Straße who are holding up Zionist posters. And where is the Dykes4Palestine block that was announced on Instagram? Is it that group over there? Or the roughly equal-sized group over here?

“Excuse me,” someone asks me in German, “is this protest for Palestine?” “Well,” I say, and then I tell them what I know: that it’s a march for lesbian visibility and that the organizers made a statement condemning the genocide in Gaza. 

Does a condemnation of the genocide make the Dyke March “for Palestine”? And what are we going to do about that Zionist corner over there?

There are all these uncertainties in the air.

Then it happens. There is motioning, we move over next to the van, and we erupt chanting Free-Free-Palestine from the depths of our lungs, and Zionism-Is-A-Crime, Yalla-Yalla-Intifada, Stop-the-Genocide, Freedom-for-Palestine, Freedom-for-Sudan, Freedom-for-Kongo, Freedom-for-Kurdistan and on and on. The energy is high. When one chant leader drops out, the next one picks up. We are many!

I also see those who are not chanting but watching us, calmly, their faces revealing nothing. They must be taking note in some way.

After maybe ten minutes we shout a last loud “Free Palestine” and then the air space is taken by an organizer’s voice resounding through a megaphone. The voice announces that the demonstration will start soon, and it reminds everyone that it is a demonstration for lesbian visibility. They also suggest that we should practice solidarity among each other. Somebody translates into English for their comrades, and they chuckle.

Apparently the intensity of Palestine solidarity messages overwhelmed at least this one organizer’s expectations and preferences.

The organizer’s lack of experience with Palestine solidarity also became apparent in a funny little moment when they had to read out the restrictions. Anybody who has been to the anti-genocide protests has heard these anti-Palestinian litanies that routinely remind us of the names of all the Palestinian factions that we are forbidden to support, among other things, before we get to have our demonstrations. 

The Dyke* March organizer, unfamiliar with the procedure, approached the task by attempting to paraphrase the restrictions in their own words, integrating as it were their own political messaging with the restrictions on the right of assembly conveyed by the cops. The cops seemed not to appreciate the integrative gesture, though, as the organizer was interrupted and instructed that this is not how it goes, until they read the statement verbatim.

When the march started filling into Karl-Marx-Straße, the pro-Palestinian demonstrators walked ahead, and we took to chanting again. There were many cops lining the demo. At some point I dropped to the side, looking for my friend and demo buddy with whom I had failed to united with so far because of all the excitement on Karl-Marx-Platz. There was a strong presence of Palestine solidarity for as long as I could see, and I waited a few minutes, letting the march pass by.

“We ain’t family until Palestine is free,” read one memorable sign that spoke well to the Dyke* March setting and also resonated with its North-American connections, since it is in some North-American contexts that “family” is used among (mostly older generations of) queers as code for a shared fate of queers.

 “FLINTIFADA” was penned on another sign, merging the German acronym FLINTA (which stands for Women-Lesbians-Inter-Nonbinary-Trans-Agender) with the Arabic intifada, meaning uprising. 

Another prominent sign exhibited the ACT-UP slogan SILENCE = DEATH with a watermelon-themed graphic, placing the protest against the genocide of Palestinians in the tradition of protesting the AIDS crisis while highlighting the issue of silence and apathy among large groups of people. As  the Jüdische Stimme für gerechten Frieden in Nahost pointed out, the disruptive actions of ACT UP against the AIDS crisis have impacted other protest movements since then and they are present in today’s anti-genocide protests. The New York City Dyke March, which the Dyke* March Berlin cites as in inspiration, was founded by activists from ACT UP and Lesbian Avengers among others. Fittingly, the New York City Dyke March this year marched under the theme “Dykes against Genocide.” 

Dyke* March Berlin’s organizers did not adopt such a theme, but a rather large group of its participants did by means of the banners and slogans that we brought. It was the first time that I experienced Palestine solidarity to be dominant in a minimally defined leftist and/or queer space in Germany. Minimally defined in the sense that the Dyke* March has no elaborate political commitments. Very much unlike the Internationalist Queer Pride Berlin (IQPB), which was to take place the following day. IQPB has a clear position, equally put down in writing and born out in the living practice of organizing alliances, where unequivocal solidarity with Palestine is an integral part of a coherent anti-colonial, anti-capitalist internationalism.

The Dyke*March Berlin is different. Its goal is lesbian visibility. It takes no corporate or state funding. And it is trans-inclusive. That, in a nutshell, is it. There are no speeches and usually no long statements. It is a march followed by a party.

Yet, it also embraces the self-image as “a protest demo, not a parade.” And in any protest, the question what the protest is for or against, matters. The Dyke* March Flyer spoke only vaguely about “taking a stand against hatred”.

The condemnation of the genocide in Palestine came later, and not very prominently placed, in an otherwise untitled “Statement by the organisers on the solidarity bar at Möbel Olfe on July, 7th and on the Dyke* March Berlin 2024.” Summed up briefly, one learns that there was a fundraiser for the Dyke* March at the bar Möbel Olfe, which was ended early after a course of events that was provoked by a group of people who stickered Israeli flags, among other things, and declared their table a “safe space for Jews and Israelis.” The Dyke* March organizers condemn the “unannounced political action” of this group, accuse the group of wanting to provoke and divide, and blame it for the premature end of the fundraiser.

A statement by the anti-colonial feminist collective Perrxz der Futuro describes the course of events at said fundraiser differently. In a statement titled “No Dyke Pride in Genocide” they write this about the fundraising event:

“After several hours into the party, we noticed that, in a very visible space inside the bar, there was a table with five people with stickers, flyers and signs that said “No pride in Hamas”, ”believe Israeli women”, “safe table for Israelis”, among other things. The situation generated great alert in us so we sought to speak with the organizers of the Dyke march, who ignored us, did not give importance to the situation and referred us to speak with the people at the bar.”

The statement goes on to describe that the Dyke* March team later yelled at the anti-colonial group, while the Zionist group filmed the anti-colonial group and called the cops on them. 

I conclude, or suspect, that there was some internal reckoning after the fundraiser on the part of the Dyke* March organizing team which led them to articulate a statement more critical towards the Zionist group, and more embracing of the anti-colonial feminist group than they had been in their actions on that evening. In that statement they also wrote down the following: “As we demonstrate on the streets of Berlin, we want to reaffirm our solidarity with marginalized, oppressed groups worldwide. We condemn the current genocide in Palestine and other parts of the world.”

Perrxs del Futuro comments as follows:

“In the light of the recent statement published by Dyke March Berlin, we believe that taking a stand is necessary, but not sufficient.
The fight against oppression, violence and genocide must be firm. It is not enough to declare it in writing, but to act accordingly.
Without the insistence on those of us who were alerted to the presence of Zionist propaganda in the place, neither the organization not the bar would have done anything about it.
It is not enough to denounce antisemitic attitudes, but also Zionist attitudes, calling them by name.
It is not enough to say that they are on the side of the oppressed, if at the moment when they are needed, they ignore us, mistreat and violate us.”

Many contradictions remain with the Dyke*March Berlin, as the statement of Perrxz del Futuro make clear. The insistence by a small group of anti-colonial feminists to challenge the Zionist propaganda at the fundraising event had a big effect. Without it, the Dyke* March team may never have published their condemnation of the genocide. Insufficient and shaped by contradictions as it was, this condemnation made a significant opening in the Zionist-dominated (queer/political) landscape in Germany and was likely motivating many pro-Palestinian lesbians, queers and trans people and our allies to come out and participate in the Dyke* March to protest for an end to the genocide.

The experience of the Dyke*March Berlin shows that the Zionist German ruling ideology is full of cracks, and that political spaces are capable of starting to rid themselves of it. Not being dependent on public or corporate funding may well have been a significant factor.  I am convinced that a newly powerful Left (in Germany) will be anti-Zionist, or it will be non-existing. The experience at the Dyke March gave me hope that we may see the first, thanks to all the relentless acts of confronting and challenging and protesting in spaces big and small. Gaza is changing all of us.

There was brutal violence by cops and there were detentions. One widely circulated video captured a moving act of spontaneous, very soft-spoken solidarity with a detained protester: A young protester is pressed against the wall of a pharmacy in Karl-Marx-Straße while getting detained by a cop, and an older woman who was resting by the windowsill of the pharmacy comforts the protester by gently stroking and kissing her arm. With this scene I shall end my report.