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How we made Palivision

We organised a successful concert and fund raiser for Gaza. You can do this too


24/05/2024

by Phil Butland and Aubane Décobert

On Saturday, the 11th of May, something incredible happened. Well over a hundred people packed into the cellar of the AlHamra restaurant to listen to 10 live acts and 6 speakers talk about Palestine solidarity in Germany. We raised €2,000 for the European Legal Support Centre, a leading force in supporting the victims of repression at Palestine demonstrations in Germany. And we managed to create a space for people to build community and enjoy themselves – at least as much as was possible during the ongoing genocide.

And yet, four weeks before the event took place, no-one had even considered organising anything. This article is the story of how we staged Palivision. We hope that it can help anyone who is organising future Palestine solidarity events, in particular in the cultural arena.

Coming up with the idea

It all started on the 14th of April. After the Palestine Congress had been banned, theleftberlin livestreamed the press conference explaining what had happened. After the livestream, one of the participants of the press conference, Abdallah Abdelhad, joined us to discuss what to do next.

We shared a lot of great ideas, but had no concrete plan about the next action. After everything was over, a group of us sat outside AlHamra, where we had held the discussion. One of us, who had been active in Belgium, told the rest about a concert which was being organised there as an alternative to Eurovision. We now had a concept.

The Eurovision Song Contest has always been a central part of Israel’s attempt to portray itself as being a normal democracy (aka “Pinkwashing”). Just as Apartheid South Africa tried to normalise itself through its cricket and rugby teams, Israel’s regular Eurovision performances were part of the Hasbara campaign to pretend not just that Israel respected democratic rights, but that it was a haven for LGBT people (just as long as those LGBT people are not Palestinians, naturally).

Eurovision 2014 had already stirred controversy. Israel’s Eurovision entry celebrated the country bombing Gaza to rubble – so much so that it had to be re-written before it was accepted by Eurovision’s organisers, the notoriously conservative and genocide-friendly European Broadcast Union.

The next step

Our concept was still vague, so we decided to meet up a week later before our weekly Palestine Reading Group. That week we’d decided to show our solidarity for the Camp for Gaza opposite the Bundestag by staging the reading group there. It was now 3 weeks before Eurovision and we still had no real plan and no line up, just the vague idea that we need to do something.

We decided to invite Palestine-friendly bands plus a range of speakers who could explain what we could do to mobilise against the destruction of Palestine. In the week before the meeting, we started to reach out to artists who we knew from Palestine solidarity actions. We also started to place requests in online Palestine solidarity groups to appeal to interested performers.

The response was overwhelming. As well as the artists we already knew, we got a stream of messages from musicians who had heard that we were organising something, and were keen to get involved. Within a few days we had 12 artists from 11 different countries – a great sign of the internationalism of our resistance.

The breadth of what was on offer came not just from the artists’ nationalities but from the music on offer, from jazz to singer songwriters, from spoken word performances to Europop. The diversity of the people on stage represented the diversity of our movement. This is something we will need if we are going to build actions for Palestine which are both large and broad.

Finding speakers

The next thing was the speakers. We wanted a range of speakers who represented our attempt to push out and reach new layers of potential Palestine activists. Two new organisations Klima4Palästina (climate movement) and Gewerkschafter4Gaza (trade unions) sprang to mind. It was also obvious that we should also invite people from Palästina Kampagne who were organising the coming Nakba Day demo.

No Palestine meeting is complete without the Jüdische Stimme (JS). Just as we were discussing their participation, Udi Raz from JS walked past. We called over Udi, who said she’d be delighted to appear. For our final speaker, we invited Nadija Samour, a Palestinian lawyer who has fought tirelessly for people affected by police repression in Germany.

We had already taken the decision that this was not going to be a charity event. Although we need to collect money for Gazans who are living in desperate conditions, we wanted Palivision to be more engaged in German politics and the struggle here. Hence the decision to collect money for the ELSC, who, together with Nadija, are suing the German government for its support for genocide.

Our decision to raise funds for the ELSC was also based on the fact that any demonstration or event showing support for Palestine is heavily repressed by the German state, leading to countless arrests. Supporting Palestine can be done at different levels, by supporting Gazans and also by organizing the local resistance. Because of Germany’s high implication in the conflict, with the German state being the second biggest arms exporter after the US, it is important for Palestine support groups to stay strong, and the ELSC provides them with legal support and backing.

The day itself

While we were expecting a decent turnout, we were still surprised by the level of interest on the night. We had announced that the first act would go on at 7pm, but there were people queuing up 2 hours before the start time. By 6.10pm we were having to turn people away as no-one else could fit into the room. Fortunately, Café Karanfil agreed to show our livestream to people who wanted to watch together.

Some people asked why we could have not chosen a bigger venue. Firstly, it is becoming increasingly difficult to find a venue in Berlin which is prepared to host an event for Palestine. This is not just about corporate venues. In recent months, left wing spaces like the Syndikat pub, SO36 and the Neues Deutschland building have refused to hold events because of the organisers’ support for Palestine.

On top of this, even if we could have got more people, we weren’t sure whether we wanted to meet in a soulless enormodrome. Palivision was intended to be an intimate gathering where people could get together and organise for the future. In AlHamra we were able to offer both an atmosphere of solidarity and an environment in which people could bond together. If we decide to repeat the experience, let’s see which venues are on offer and what passes best.

We are proud of all our acts and what they provided for no payment. They also gladly shared equipment and helped each other out. Unfortunately, two artists had to pull out at the last minute because of illness, but they remained part of the discussion between artists about building Palivision and what we can do in the future.

Lessons learned – what could we have done better?

If you are organising an event which takes place 4 weeks after you decide to start planning, you’re not going to get everything perfect. We benefitted from a lot of good luck and from the support of everyone involved – from the artists to the venue owners and staff. But if we want to organise a similar event in the future, we will give ourselves much more time, and give more consideration to some aspects, including the following.

Find a suitable venue. No venue is perfect, as some of your needs can contradict each other. It would be nice to have an intimate space, but one with space for everyone who wants to come as mentioned earlier. There should be disabled access – which is not always available. Above all, particularly in Berlin, you need a place which is willing to hold an event for Palestine, and will not cave into the inevitable pressure to cancel. You probably won’t get everything you want, but it’s worth spending time to consider what you want to help make an informed choice.

Have several people who can look after sound. We woefully misjudged the contribution of a good sound engineer. Although two people with the requisite skills did a remarkable job at the night, the positioning of the mixer meant that they were both employed all evening. To save them stress, and to provide a good service for the musicians, we should have had much more back up. As one of the sound engineers said: “find your sound people before you think of the first act.”

Do not allow people in too early. Because of the swell of people, we opened the doors long before the announced time. This disrupted the soundchecks, which were still going on, and the decoration the room. In the future we should announce an earlier start time, but use this to only stamp the hands of audience members so they are guaranteed entry later. The doors should remain closed until we are ready.

Look after the artists. Different artists have different requirements, especially on the day itself. Sound checking too early is not always possible for live acts because changes in temperature and humidity will affect instruments. Check how much time each artist needs, and manage their expectations. We somehow managed, but this job was in the hands of too few people.

Find a suitable running order. For similar future events, the aforementioned artists’ requirements should be taken into account to establish a running order. We ended up having too many spoken word acts late and close to each other. As the evening goes on, an audience is increasingly interested in music and dancing.

Ensure the content of songs fits the event. At Palivision, it was brought to our attention that some people – including Palestinians – felt offended by one song. We issued an on-stage apology as soon as we could, but this damaged the preservation of a safe environment which should have been our first priority. As one of our members stated: ‘The second that a Palestinian felt unwell, we failed’. For future events – for which we would have more preparation time – we need to work more closely with the artists to ensure that the content provided is appropriate for our expected audience.

Using existing infrastructure

We would not have been able to build such a large event so quickly without an existing network of activists, but even this network was relatively young. One year ago, theleftberlin was mainly a website which worked together with the LINKE Berlin Internationals around specific public meetings, Küfas and other events.

October 7th – or rather the genocidal Israeli reaction to October 7th and Germany’s supine support for this genocide – changed all this. We set up a weekly Palestine Reading Group, mainly because people kept asking us for recommendations and nothing else was being organised. The reading group brought together a group of people who had for the most part not been involved in political activity in Germany, but needed to act against the genocide.

As time passed, the role of the reading group changed. What started as a haven for people who wanted to discuss the bombing of Gaza without losing their German friends rapidly became more interventionist. At first, we just went to demonstrations together. Gradually the meetings to organise theleftberlin, which had been poorly attended, started to fill up with fired up people with creative ideas.

At the May 1st festival in Mariannenplatz, theleftberlin stall showed our new dynamism. Most years at the festival we do little more than hand out a few leaflets. This year saw a vibrant event staged by dozens of activists selling t-shirts and tote bags, and engaging with people (yes, even White Germans) about what they can do for Palestine. May 1st set the scene for Palivision.

We learned that small scale actions can have much larger results. When we first set up the reading group, we were expecting that it would last 2 or 3 weeks. We are soon to have our 25th weekly meeting. But this is not just a group which talks abstractly about changing the world – we are acting on our discussions and actively intervening to build the movement.

What next?

Some artists have already asked if we will be organising a Palivision II. This would depend on Israel continuing to commit war crimes, and the EBU cravenly doing nothing to punish them. As both of these things are highly likely, you may not have seen the last of us.

But we do not have to wait a year before we do anything. We now have a network of artists who are keen to make their contribution – both to supporting Palestine and Palestinians, and to more general political work. Theleftberlin will be meeting at the beginning of June to discuss our future activities, and utilising this excitement.

It’s not just about theleftberlin. We are currently experiencing a mass movement for Palestine which is starting to cross the border into Germany. Palivision shows what is possible if we are audacious enough. We need more of this audacity if we are going to continue to successfully fight for a free Palestine.

Everyone can make their own contribution. What could you do?

Kanak Protests for Independence in New Caledonia

Protestors are right to resist French Imperialism


22/05/2024

On May 15th, the French government declared a state of emergency in the country’s semi-autonomous overseas territory of New Caledonia, which lies 1400 kilometers east of Australia (17,000 kilometers from Paris). Earlier, the French High Commissioner had described the situation there as “ insurrectional ”, while a former minister and local member of parliament spoke of “ civil war ” inspired by “ anti-white racism ”.

There have been several nights of large-scale rioting, mainly in Greater Noumea, which is home to two-thirds of the territory’s 270,000 population. Dozens of shops and other properties have been fire-bombed, while the streets are littered with burnt-out vehicles. A government spokesman admitted that certain areas were «”out of control ”.

Security forces using bulldozers and armoured vehicles are gradually destroying barricades but many are rebuilt as soon as they leave.

At the time of writing, 600 police, gendarmes and members of elite special forces are attempting to open up the strategic road leading to the airport where up to 80 barricades have been erected. All commercial flights are cancelled until further notice, though Australia and New Zealand have sent military planes to evacuate their citizens.

Residents in the mainly European districts have organised armed vigilante (or “self-defence”) groups.  Many of the indigenous Kanak rioters are also armed. There have been six deaths so far including a gendarme killed by ‘friendly’ fire.

Predictably, Macron claimed that the revolt had been fomented by “foreign interference ” – by Azerbaijan of all places! Interior minister Gérald Darmanin singled out the CCAT – a recently-formed coalition of parties, trade unions, and associations – accusing it of being a “mafia ”.

Yet, the most obvious cause of the revolt was two decisions taken recently by Macron himself, as we shall see later.

So what is the background to this crisis, the latest in France’s troubled – and troublesome – overseas territories stretching from the Caribbean to the Pacific via the Indian Ocean?

For decades after being claimed for France in 1853, New Caledonia was the country’s largest penal colony. Up to 22,000 prisoners were sent there  – not only common law criminals but also political deportees, including Algerian rebels and survivors of the 1871 Paris Commune (most famously, Louise Michel, who became a champion of the indigenous Melanesians).

But France’s aim was to establish a settler colony in the south-western Pacific in addition to its Polynesian  possessions further east. New Caledonia was exploited for its natural resources, but France’s interest also had to do with military and geopolitics. The tiny island territory is the world’s third largest producer of nickel, after Indonesia and the Philippines. And a strong French foothold in the region is seen as a useful counterweight to the growing influence of China.

As in Algeria, Africa, and Indo-China, indigenous peoples were subject to France’s draconian colonial regime and their lands were confiscated. They were mainly confined to villages run by ‘tribal’ chiefs according to customary law. Kanaks were denied citizenship until as late as 1953.

Economic development, especially the postwar nickel boom that attracted immigrants from Japan, Vietnam, Java, and Polynesia as well as France, combined with the attractive conditions offered to expatriates, has resulted in growing inequality, a concentration of wealth in the southern province (which includes Noumea) and a significant shift in the demographic balance. The Kanak share of the population has now fallen to 41 per cent.

Kanak society has not stood still, however. Increasingly politically conscious and educated young Kanaks and women, in particular, are proud of their culture and committed to independence. Many Kanaks work in the nickel mines. There is a powerful trade union, the UTSKE, with an associated Labour Party.

Regional governments in Kanak-dominated areas in the north and the outlying islands have benefited from devolved powers, including a share in nickel mining.

Today, half of Kanaks live in the Greater Noumea area, many in suburbs where poverty and unemployment are rife. The city itself is known as “Nouméa la Blanche ” because of its mainly white population.

Crucially, the vast majority of Kanaks support the independence movement and they have recently been joined by many Pacific island migrants. White New Caledonian loyalists have traditionally voted for right-wing conservative parties, while Marine Le Pen received 50% in the second round of the 2022 presidential election in Noumea.

Against this background, the present crisis was sparked by a hardline shift in government policy. After the bloody four-year conflict which rocked Kanaky-New Caledonia in the1980s, leaving nearly a hundred dead, a carefully negotiated agreement was reached between the pro-independence parties and the socialist government.

Outnumbered and up against the full might of the French state, Kanak leaders opted for a strategy of progressive change leading either to full independence (which remains their goal) or at least a form of ‘independence-in-association-with-France’.

The much-hailed agreement was followed by a 30-year period of relative stability. Jobs have been created and Kanaks promoted, infrastructures built, and Kanak history and culture recognised. Pro-independence parties now run two of the three regions – the poorest and least populated – and control part of the nickel industry in partnership with private capital.

According to the agreement, three referendums on independence were to take place after a 30-year transitional period. Crucially, newly-arrived immigrants and expats were not to be allowed to vote in elections to the provincial parliament, thus ‘freezing’ the demographic balance (in which, let us remember, the Kanaks were still outnumbered).

In the second referendum, in 2020, support for independence grew from 44 to 47 per cent. Yet, at the same time, ‘loyalist’ opinion was hardening.

It was at this point that Macron showed his hand. First, he decided to go ahead quickly with the third and ‘final’ referendum in the hope of closing off the debate. The vote was boycotted by the Kanaks, whose communities were still in mourning for the victims of the Covid pandemic. The boycott was extremely effective, and resulted in a 96 per cent majority against independence (since mostly white French voted). Kanak leaders claimed  the result was illegitimate, while Macron presented it as a definitive vote in favour of « Kanaky in France ».

Ignoring warnings of a likely confrontation, Macron and Darmanin then went ahead with a constitutional law designed to allow those who had settled in the territory since 1998 to vote in elections to the provincial parliament (after ten years’ residence), which currently has a pro-independence majority.

In the weeks leading up to a decision in the French parliament, there were massive and peaceful protest marches in Kanaky, while representatives lobbied MPs in France. They were supported by most of the French left and several elected leaders of overseas departments and territories from Guadeloupe in the Caribbean to French Polynesia. There was also an impressive Kanak block on the traditional May Day march in Paris.

On May 14th, Macron’s MPs, supported by the conservative right and Marine Le Pen’s Rassemblement National (RN), voted for the change in the electoral rules, with the left-wing NUPES opposition group (Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s France Insoumise, communists, ecologists, and socialists) voting against. The result was unfortunately a foregone conclusion.

Meanwhile, 17, 000 kilometers from France’s parliament, authorities in New Caledonia imposed a curfew and made hundreds of arrests, while the FLNKS (Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front) called on militants to lift road blocks to allow essential supplies to be delivered. The anger on the streets is such that this may have little effect.

Macron still has some room for manœuvre, as the law has yet to be ratified. It is unclear how flexible he is prepared to be. Underlying  his move is a strategy designed to please the conservative and far-right electorate in France where his party is trailing far behind Le Pen’s Rassemblement National in the European election campaign. It is also, perhaps, a message to other powers and potential challengers that French imperialism does not intend to scale down its role in the region as has recently happened in several former African colonies.

It is a strategy that may still backfire.

UPDATE WEDNESDAY MAY 22ND

In an unprecedented move, president Macron, accompanied by three government ministers, has flown out to New Caledonia in person. For the moment it is unclear how he hopes to resolve the crisis.

Exhibition Review Albertinum, “Revolutionary Romances – Globale Kunstgeschichten in der DDR”.

An exhibition on GDR art in Dresden is worth going to see.


21/05/2024

Those who live near Dresden (two hour train ride from Berlin) and who are interested in the art of the GDR – should try to catch the exhibition Globale Kunstgeschichten in der DDR. Unfortunately it closes on 2nd June 2024, but you still have time. Berlin Left has previously carried articles on DDR Art, and aspects of socialist art. This article simply aims to alert nearby readers, and to highlight this exhibition, and some of the works.

The range of the art included here is broad and it covers a wide range of styles, or forms. From those works patently in the mould of what is known as socialist art – to more abstract forms.    

But regardless of exact form, the exhibition’s purpose is to show the internationalism of DDR art up to the time of the fall of the DDR. Of necessity then, it contains vivid replays of major past intense class struggles. From Guevara and Castro’s Cuba to Allende’s Chile, from the Vietnam war of national liberation to Palestinian oppression. But if anyone pays attention, these are of course not just ‘past’ struggles. 

Perhaps to emphasise a ‘current-ness’ to the exhibition, a graphic of the Communist Manifesto by Lea Grundig is prominently displayed. This is either at the end or the beginning of the display – depending on where you start. Alternatively, you could easily believe that the curators here are being slyly provocative – As if to say ‘What of all this “Communist Manifesto’ now?” Below is a single piece of a four image set.     

Lea Grundig Die Beiden Antagonistischen Lager, 1968

That a cynical curatorial perspective may have been intentional, is indicated by signage at the exhibition. This notes that Lea Grundig (1906-1977) was a prominent establishment figure in the DDR art world, and she was able to travel extensively in countries with links to the DDR including China and Vietnam. This is contrasted to the inability of non-approved artists to travel. Her Wikipedia link is informative, but none of that detracts from her artistic merits. Moreover her past as a victim of Nazism, and as an early communist anti-fascist is I believe given no attention in the exhibition. 

Moving towards some of the world links that are made in this exhibition, several countries are referenced. I only touch on a few of the most memorable to me. One such marked the murder of the first elected Prime minister Patrice Lumbumba of the Congo. He was murdered in 1961 by agents of the USA. The USA supported the pro USA comprador President Joseph KasaVubu, and Lumumba’s successor as Prime Minister Moise Tschombe. The erstwhile Belgian Congo was engulfed in civil war.

Heinz Lomar (1900-1976) Kongo Triptyich.

Lomar displayed the backdrop of a civil war –The left panel shows and the German mercenary-soldier Major Siegfried Muller (aka ‘Congo Muller)’ who always wore his Wehrmacht Iron Cross, the Belgian mercenary Leutenant Mazy with a banker, consorting with prostitutes,. In the centre section a decapitated and crucified black corpse bleeds out. On the right panel is the widow Pauline Opango Lumbumba who shirtless – led a Protest March to the UN headquarters. 

Let us leap to 1973 and re-visit Allende. Christoph Wetzl (born 1947-?) shows him  slumped dead in a presidential chair that is shot through, wrapped in the Chilean flag. It is true that Allende in a hopeless situation shot himself, but this is quite besides the point.  This picture is in the permanent collection, but you won’t find the next one there.

Christoph Wetzl, Der Tote Prasident 1974

That is by Hartwig Ebersbach (B 1940) entitled ‘Widmung an Chile’ [Dedication to Chile]. This draws for inspiration on the famous photograph from the 1871 fall of the Paris Commune of the dead communards who were shot down. They were lined up to be photographed by the military.

Hartwig Ebersbach (B 1940) ‘Widmung an Chile’ [Dedication to Chile].
Ebersbach shows 12 victims of Pinochet in their coffins. They are each in their own frame, and grouped together stand on the floor against a wall as if one is facing 12 open caskets. Luridly bloody, they lie facing the onlooker. 

Vietnam, Palestine and other zones of imperial destruction are all present in the exhibition as well. 

But lacking space, we will move to another feature in the exhibition. That is the refuge and learning the DDR certainly provided to some artists of the colonial and semi-colonial world. I here choose a very expressive self-portrait by the Iraqi Sami Hakki with a red flag. He was a student at Dresden Academy of Fine Art. It does not say in the exhibition what happened to him in later life. But there are a number of video interviews with many artists from the colonial world who obtained artistic training in the DDR. Some went back to their home countries, but some stayed in the DDR.

No doubt for self-serving reasons, the exhibition also notes the calculated abuse and exploitation of the DDR itself, in its dealings with the proletariat of the colonial world. 

But for all the potential ulterior motives, it cannot be denied that the DDR was an exploitative state. For example witness the circumstances of the Vietnamese workers who were brought to the DDR to work and who often lived in appalling conditions as a super-exploited fraction of the DDR proletariat. From Mattias Rietschel (B 1958) is shown a series of photographs of Vietnamese workers in Dresden. Along the way are various illustrations of how harsh the DDR bureaucracy was in enforcing strict visa laws on some of these foreign workers.

Mattias Rietschel From the series “Vietnamese in Dresden 1987-1990)

Finally let us move to a special case which is still with us in a very real way. That is the case of Cuba. It is not necessary to get into a long debate about whether or not it ever was a socialist state. I will state my belief that it never was such. Here it is only relevant to say that an early depiction of now familiar images of Che and Castro, were accompanied by some more evidently critical works. Whatever the motivations of the curators, these show originality and verve. 

For example, the work of Tonel (Antonio Eligio Fernandez) (B 1958) entitled “Lenin, Was tun?” from 1991. Here a small 3D bust of Lenin is frowning on a beach, frowns as he watches 3 tourists enjoying Cuba’s beaches. Indeed – “What is to be Done?” 

Tonel (Antonio Eligio Fernandez) (B 1958) entitled “Lenin, Was tun?”

In conclusion, regardless of whether you believe the state of the DDR was socialist or not, it certainly became a forum for some very important and moving art to develop. Whether all of it can be considered under the rubric of “socialist art” is a matter to be discussed in a further piece. But this exhibition is very worthwhile. And this was the aim of this short piece. If you can – go and see it. Or else the catalogue is E19.80. While you are there, the new gallery of the Albertinum has in its permanent exhibition some masterworks from the DDR, but more at another time.

Buy me a Boy

How much do you value my freedom in dollars?


20/05/2024

I remember this one guy who liked exploring abandoned villages. He would stay overnight in empty houses, record it, and upload the footage to YouTube.

While on one of these excursions, he tried to enter a house. But as he approached he noticed signs of life. There were people living there – an elderly couple.

The roof of the house was so crooked it seemed ready to collapse. The couple were living there without electricity. They were friendly and eager to interact. The old man proudly showed the unexpected visitor his old books and dusty tools. When the video came out, users started asking to organize a fundraiser to help the elderly couple.

A bit later, the sudden visitor returned. He brought some food and vodka. The old man had begged for vodka. It also turned out that the old man’s leg was very numb.

Soon, a third video came out. The regional authorities had seen the previous videos and became concerned about the situation. They provided the couple with housing and medical treatment. It seemed like a triumph for the blogger and his subscribers. Together, they managed to change the lives of two helpless people for the better!

In the end, not everything turned out so bright.

While the old man used to be eager to communicate, he became quiet and sad. It was evident that the elderly couple was happier when they were in their crumbling house in the abandoned village. But what could be the problem?

We base our judgements of others on ourselves and often think that what’s good for us is good for others, too. But is that really so? I wonder, did the old folks regret letting the stranger with a camera into their humble home?

So, where’s the answer? It’s in the dark corners. In the dusty window sills. And in the deep wrinkles. It’s an everyday mystery. The kind that makes people feel better living in an abandoned village than among others.

Today, missiles are launched from the town where my grandparents live. I asked them if they would prefer their town to be Ukrainian or Russian, and they said they didn’t care. They just want the military to stop shooting missiles.

When we donate money to warring countries, we need to know exactly what that money is being used for. It’s absurd to say you’re against war and then buy bullets for the military.

Wish for peace, prepare for war. This phrase benefits only militarists. Why? Classic writer Anton Chekhov knows the answer. He wrote that if a gun is brought onto the stage in the first act, it will inevitably fire by the third. And life, as we know, imitates art, so there’s something to fear.

In two years of war between Russia and Ukraine, I’ve seen a huge amount of fundraising for the military. But not everyone wants to fight. And those who don’t want to fight have been trapped in Ukraine for these same 2 years. Their homes are being shelled by the enemy army. Outside their homes, they’re hunted by the police and representatives of military commissariat. Leaving the country as an 18 to 60 year old guy is prohibited.

In the early days of the war, those guys could leave Ukraine for $500. Today the price for one Ukrainian guy to leave is around $10,000. But so far, I haven’t seen any fundraisers for that.

This piece is a part of  a series, The Mining Boy Notes, published on Mondays and authored by Ilya Kharkow, a writer from Ukraine. For more information about Ilya, see his website. You can support his work by buying him a coffee.

Photo Gallery: Demonstration for Nakba Day 2024

Oranienplatz to Rotes Rathaus Berlin, 18th May 2024


                     

 

All photos: Cherry Adam. You can see more of Cherry’s photography here