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Letter from the Editors, 7th March 2024

International Women’s Day


07/03/2024


Tomorrow is International Women’s Day, which is a public holiday in Berlin. To celebrate the day, a number of demonstrations and rallies have been organised between today and Saturday. There are too many to list here, but you can find links to most of them on our Events page.

We would like to particularly recommend 2 Events, both taking place tomorrow:

  • 11am at Oranienplatz Trade Union Demo Feminist, in solidarity, as trade unions organised by a broad alliance of trade unions.
  • 2pm at Under den Linden 21, Down with Imperialist Feminism organised by the Alliance of International Feminists. Colonial and neoliberal powers construct a single model of feminism: the feminism of the oppressors that is limited to a so-called “women’s rights’” framework to serve their interests. This feminism is an accomplice in the system of oppression. Their “democratic” saviorism justifies their wars, occupation, detention centers, murderous borders and walls. This is Imperialist Feminism. CIS men are allowed on the demonstration but asked to march at the back.

Our Palestine Reading Group is back. The next meeting is on Friday at 7pm, where we will be discussing Palestinians in the Diaspora. You can find the selected reading here. The Palestine Reading Group takes place every week, on either Friday or Sunday (partly depending on room availability). Check the page of Events which we’re organising for the coming dates and subjects under discussion. If you’d like to get more involved in the group, and suggest and vote on future subjects, you can join our Telegram group and follow the channel Reading group.  Meetings are currently in the Agit offices, Nansenstraße 2. There is a meeting for moderators (open to anyone who’s interested) half an hour before the meeting starts.

On Saturday, there’s a demonstration Freedom for Palestine. No impunity for Genocide. Since October, the Israeli state has murdered 30,000 Palestinians in Gaza. The genocide in Gaza is a continuation of the Nakba, the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians which began over 76 years ago and is still continuing today. The German government is making itself an accomplice to the genocide in Gaza in its military, political, and financial support for the Israeli State. Come with us on 9th March onto the streets of Berlin to raise our voice for Palestine. The demonstration starts at 3pm at the junction of Kantstraße and Wilmersdorfstraße.

On Saturday evening, there is a solidarity Event Intifada Bazaar. For this revolutionary 8M, you are welcome to join our post-demo, mini fest, solidarity event for a day of art, music, and live performances. All proceeds will go to different mutual aid and ground relief efforts in Palestine. Kicking off the event, you will be able to enjoy food & drinks and cruise through the bazaar, then we’ll carry on with evening panel discussions curated by @palestinespeaks and another by Dolls4Palestine (& guests!) and a movie room takeover by @berlinmigrantstrikers. The night continues with performance & poetry interventions followed by live acts and a drag show finalising with DJ sets featuring femme power on the decks curated by Thawra. To find the address, contact @diaspora.rising on Instagram.

On Sunday, theleftberlin website (that’s us) will have our latest face-to-face editorial meeting. The editorial board normally has an online meeting to discuss what we want to publish. Every so often, we have meetings like this for longer-term planning The meeting will be from 3pm – 6pm in the Agit Offices, Nansenstraße 2. It is open to anyone who is interested in the website. If you would like to help contribute in the future, this would be a good place to start. There’s a proposed agenda here, but feel free to come along and ask questions and make suggestions of your own.

On Wednesday at 7pm, there’s an online meeting What is happening in Argentina #2? A conversation with representatives of the alliance Frente de Izquierda y de Trabajadores – Unidad. Since December 10th of last year, Javier Milei, an ultra-liberal economist, has been the President of the South American country. How should his victory be understood in the national and regional political context? What has changed in the first few months of his term of office and what can we expect for the future? The International Politics Department and the Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung Buenos Aires invite you to a meeting with four representatives of the Frente de Izquierda y de Trabajadores – Unidad (FIT-U) – currently one of the most important left-wing movements in Argentina. The meeting will be in Spanish with translation into German. Please register at: international@die-linke.de

There is much more going on in Berlin this week. To find out what’s happening, go to our Events page. You can also see a shorter, but more detailed list of events in which we are directly involved in here.

Some dates for your calendars:

  • On Saturday, 16th March, we will be showing the film Aisheen, Still Alive in Gaza in oyoun. The film was originally scheduled for 10th February. The film starts at 5pm, and will be followed by food and then a discussion with Palestinian activist Ramsy Kilani.
  • On Friday, 22nd March, the Berlin LINKE Internationals are organising a public meeting Neosovereignism in the West African Sahel: Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger with Prof. Dr. Baz Lecocq, Franza Drechsel (Rosa Luxemburg Foundation), and Dr. Lamine Doumbia. It’s at 7pm in Karl Liebknecht Haus. More information in future Newsletters.
  • Please note: the LINKE Internationals Summer Camp has now been postponed to avoid clashing with a big demo against the AfD. Summer Camp will now take place on 21-22 September, still in the Naturfreundehaus Hermsdorf.

This week’s Campaign of The Week is Schule fürs Erinnern / School for Remembrance. As parents and educators in Berlin, we are deeply worried about the Neukölln Bezirksamt’s decision to introduce a brochure titled “Mythos#Israel1948” to the schools’ program. The document, produced and published by the external association “Masiyot,” claims to dispel common myths about Israel-Palestine. In effect, this association promotes a vicious kind of historical revisionism. The brochure at hand claims a false and one-sided narrative that trivializes the violent events of 1948 – the Nakba – and exempts Israel from its responsibility for the ongoing displacement and dispossession of the Palestinians since 1948. Share this petition in person or use the QR code for your own material.Download QR Code

If you are looking for Resources on Palestine, we have set up a page with useful links. We will be continually updating the page, so if you would like to recommend other links, please contact us on team@theleftberlin.com. You can also find all the reading from our Palestine Reading Groups here.

In News from Berlin, Berlinale prize winner Yuval Abraham receives death threats, demonstrators for Palestine accused of incitement, Stop Fossil Subsidies group blocks Elsenbrücke bridge, and forest around the Tesla plant in Grünheide occupied.

In News from Germany, Federal Statistical Office reports that migrants are disproportionately in low-paying jobs, and more train strikes announced.

Read all about it in this week’s News from Berlin and Germany.

New on theleftberlin, Nathaniel Flakin reports on Der Spiegel’s transphobic attacks on a Jewish student for showing solidarity with Palestine, in Rasha Al-Jundi and Michael Jabareen’s latest cultural contribution, they look at “friendly” German neighbours, we show a gallery of photos and videos from last Saturday’s demo for Palestine, Ciaran Dodd looks at Eurovision’s complicity in Israel’s terror, Dimiitra Kyrillou in Athens looks a Greece’s decision to legalize same-sex marriage, and Phil Butland argues that Gaza is a Health Workers’ issue, and that the Syndikat pub was wrong to ban a meeting of Health Workers for Palestine.

This week’s Video of the Week shows the info talk Rafah: What’s at stake? organised by Palästina Kampagne with Egyptian Diaspora Resists and Egyptian journalist Lina Attalah, editor in chief of Mada Masr.

You can follow us on the following social media:

If you would like to contribute any articles or have any questions or criticisms about our work, please contact us at team@theleftberlin.com. And please do encourage your friends to subscribe to this Newsletter.

Keep on fighting,

The Left Berlin Editorial Board

Gaza is a Health Workers’ Issue

Why the Syndikat is wrong to ban Palästina Spricht


06/03/2024

I am a long-time supporter of the Syndikat, one of the few remaining left-wing spaces in Berlin. When gentrifiers tried, and ultimately succeeded, to evict the pub from its old building in Weisestraße, I was an active and proud supporter of the campaign Syndikat Bleibt.

For a long time, the Syndi has offered a welcome refuge to socialists, anarchists, and other Leftists fighting against neoliberalism and capitalism. After conducting meetings in the area, the groups I participated in regularly dropped by the bar, enjoying its tolerant atmosphere.

So you can understand my surprise when I learned that all are not equally welcome at Syndikat. Recently, they banned a meeting by Health Workers for Palestine planned for February 3rd. Syndikat justified the ban by saying that the meeting was supported by Palästina Spricht, a coalition fighting for Palestinian rights and against every form of racism. There is a translation of Syndikat’s full statement at the bottom of this text.

Palästina Spricht has been an essential part of the anti-colonial movement for years. Its mission statement says: “Our activism and our activities also extend to supporting other movements (e.g. Black Lives Matter), which also fight for rights and acknowledgement. We aspire towards a political community which stands as an example for the Palestine which we want to build: free, just, humanitarian and without any form of racism.”

Palästina Spricht is an organisation run by left-wing Palestinians fighting for equality in the face of the racist German state. Despite extensive state repression, Palästina Spricht has organised many demonstrations and supported demonstrators arrested by the notoriously racist Berlin police. I am proud to work alongside them.

There is much in the Syndikat statement which I can agree with. I, too, condemn the Israeli bombing of Gaza and the attempts by German politicians to whip up Islamophobia and anti-Palestinian racism. I believe that we need safe spaces where people can gather, free of any fear of racism, sexism or any other form of oppression.

But let us be clear about what the statement means. Firstly, it accuses a well-established Palestinian leftist organisation of relativising and glorifying Hamas terror. This reproduces right-wing racist stereotypes which claim that anyone who opposes the destruction of Gaza and the occupation of Palestine is a Hamas apologist. These are the same tropes which were used to accuse Israeli journalist Yuval Abraham and Palestinian film maker Basel Adra of antisemitism after their film No Other Land won an audience prize at the Berlinale.

Secondly, despite claiming to provide a space where there is “no room for exclusionary ideologies”, the Syndikat is excluding health workers trying to address the dire situation for the two million Gazans left without healthcare after all 32 hospitals on the strip were bombed to rubble. Although the Syndikat claims to support such meetings, their support hinges on the meeting not being endorsed by a Palestinian group.

Gaza is an issue for all health workers. Hundreds of health workers in Gaza have been killed. Last year, Medical Aid for Palestine announced that “the reported number of healthcare workers killed in ten weeks of Israel’s assault on Gaza has exceeded the total number killed in all countries in conflict globally in any single year since 2016.”

On January 9th, the International Middle East Media Center reported that Israel had bombarded the last functioning hospital in Gaza, stating that “the Israeli army gave doctors, patients and those displaced one hour to evacuate the establishment, according to medical sources, even though there were no ambulances or means to transfer them. The UN estimated 2,300 patients, staff, and displaced Palestinians were at Al-Shifa before the Israeli military stormed the medical compound.”

Last week, we saw Israeli troops open fire on starving Gazan civilians waiting for flour in a food queue. Over 100 people were killed and many more were injured. And yet the lack of any health infrastructure in Gaza means that the people hurt by this indefensible attack will not receive the treatment that they need. Surely this is an issue for health workers across the world, including in Germany.

After 5 months of Israel’s bombardment and decades of blockade, experts are now saying that we are just weeks away from full-blown famine in Gaza. In today’s Guardian (6th March), Professor Devi Sridhar, chair of global public health at the University of Edinburgh, reports a

“famine, which could come within weeks. That is, widespread severe shortages of food causing illness and death in a short time period. The UN has repeatedly said that a quarter of the population already faces starvation, while the entire population of 2.3 million lives with food shortages.”

Thirdly, I would like to point out the absurdity of the Syndikat statement that “Meetings which are organised or visited by such groups cannot take place here” (my italics). This is not just a ban on meetings organised by Palestinian organisations, but any meeting which might be visited by someone who “relativise or glorify the Hamas terror” (a description which, if it is seriously being used to refer to Palästina Spricht surely applies to any Palestinian or their supporters). 

At a time of shrinking spaces in Germany for Palestine solidarity, the Syndikat’s ban cannot go unchallenged. Left-wing venues must provide space for those impacted by racism and state repression, not excluding them. This is particularly necessary at a time when, as the Syndikat statement itself acknowledges, Gaza is suffering from a humanitarian emergency.

I urge Syndikat to educate themselves on Palästina Spricht and to lift the ban. Until then, I won’t be visiting the Syndikat as long as Palestinians and their supporters are not welcome there. The Berlin LINKE Internationals are contacting the Syndikat Collective to express our concerns. What happens next depends a lot on their response.

No-one is free until everyone is free.

Hoch die internationale Solidarität

 

Statement of the Syndikat Collective to a planned meeting on 3rd February in our premises

On 3rd February, a meeting of health workers should have taken place in our rooms. The room request said that the meeting was about organising these workers. Then a call on Instagram supporting the meeting appeared from “Palästina Spricht”. Their participation was not visible before then. As a result, we cancelled the meeting.

We want to say the following about this: we, as the Syndikat Collective want to provide space where there is no place for racism, antisemitism, sexism, hostility towards Queers or any other exclusionary ideologies.

We understand the attack by Hamas on Israel on 7th October 2023 not as legitimate resistance or an act of liberation, but as a terrorist attack on civilians. We condemn any attempt to relativise the act of terror and to instrumentalise it for antisemitic ends.

We also condemn the current Israeli conduct of war, which brings great suffering to Palestinian civil society and has resulted in a humanitarian emergency. We also stand against every attempt to instrumantalise the Israel/Palestine conflict for racists ends and to put all Muslims under suspicion.

Every death is one too many! Our sympathy goes to all civilian victims of violence.

A meeting which serves to organise health workers and to support the civil society in Gaza can of course be held here. Political groups, which relativise or glorify the Hamas Terror are not welcome. Meetings, which are organised or visited by such groups cannot take place here.

Your Syndikat Collective.

Same sex marriage in Greece: for all LGBTQ+ people?

Greece has just passed a same-sex marriage law, but it’s far from the end of the struggle for LGBTQ+ people.


05/03/2024

On the 15th of February 2024 the Greek parliament passed law nr.5089/2024, legalizing same sex marriage and provisions for the families of same sex people. The LGBTQ+ community in the country now find themselves a step closer to equality before the law and the state. Despite a fierce reaction from the church and the far right (including members of the governing party), the vote was clear with 176 out of 300 MPs for the law. Greece has now become the first Christian orthodox country to do so. At the same time, the LGBTQ+ people speak of a limited victory.

Without a doubt, any debate on same-sex marriage and same-sex adoption in the House of Representatives is a victory for LGBTQ+ people and for the entire movement against sexism and homophobia. Opening up the issue of legalizing demands for equality in marriage and family regulations, which until some years ago were a taboo and were excluded as “unthinkable” or worse, part of the “political correctness frenzy” is a victory itself. And it did not fall from sky. It was the result of efforts and struggles of the LGBTQ+ movement and its allies. These struggles are far from over.

How did we arrive at this reform?

Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis speaks of a gracious and necessary reform “reflecting today’s Greece — a progressive, and democratic country, passionately committed to European values”. What he does not mention is that one third of his party MPs either abstained or voted against the law, including several ministers and former PM Antonis Samaras. The law evidently passed with the votes of the center left parties Syriza, PASOK, Nea Aristera (the recent split of Syriza), and “Plefsi Eleftherias”. The ruling party appeared deeply divided, with the majority justifying the necessity of equal marriage as a “humanistic gesture” and downgrading its political meaning, by arguing that the traditional values of Christianity and nuclear family will not be threatened, as the far right and the fascists claimed. In the time leading up to the vote of the draft, Orthodox church party “Niki”, nationalist “Greek Solution” and the fascist “Spartans”, along with the right wing opposition inside the government had been shouting about the imminent demolition of Orthodoxy and the demise of the traditional family. They organized rallies, which, despite strong subsidies from the Church, were not significant and moreover spread hate speech, including talk of “perversity” and even “pedophilia being encouraged by equality in marriage”!

From this point of view, the passing of the law is a blow against them and reveals both the crisis inside the ruling party and the danger of far right demagogy.

The Communist Party of Greece, KKE, unfortunately but not unexpectedly voted against the law, on the grounds that marriage will legitimize LGBTQ+ families which, according to them, is unnatural for the children who, “ought to have a mother and a father” (and not 2 mothers or 2 fathers). This decision can be explained by KKE’s commitment to Stalinism and to its adherence to “traditional values” as a counterweight to capitalist globalization. But for many of its newly attracted voters, it was both a big disappointment and a concession to homophobia, through its embrace of the argument of “normal and abnormal” families. It made obvious that KKE may sound left-wing and militant, but at the end of the day it will not defend the oppressed and their rights.

A history of struggles

What was not said either is that the demand for equality in marriage was the fruit of many years of LGBTQ+ (and their allies’) struggles. A decisive action was taken in 2008, with the “Tilos marriages”, when two same-sex couples proceeded to a civil marriage under the approval of the progressive mayor in the island of Tilos and, despite Greek law not foreseeing such a partnership, they brought the case to the European court and succeeded to create a “fait accompli”. There is a long trajectory of queer activism, militancy and demands, as there is an LGBTQ+ movement rooted inside Greek society. This movement has pressed all Greek governments for democratic reforms and for measures against sexism and homophobia, and for the rights and lives of LGBTQ+ people.

A first victory was the Civil Partnership law in 2015 and the second the Gender Identity Recognition in 2018, both introduced by the government of Syriza. Nevertheless, both laws, despite being steps forward, contain a series of faults and misinterpretations, which still deprive LGBTQ+ citizens from several rights. The LGBTQ+ community had patiently investigated and submitted the required amendments which, if they had been incorporated into the new law for equality in marriage, could have made it a complete achievement for the everyday lives of queer citizens. However, the new law lies far from the fulfilment of such expectations. It brings some good reforms, but lacks full access for LGBTQ+ people to democratic rights.

Some areas that are still lacking:

  • According to the law, marriage is foreseen only for “same-sex persons” and not for “persons of any gender”, which should be in the accordance of real equality and inclusion of all LGBTQ+ persons.
  • Parenthood for the families of trans people is not protected, because the bill does not allow for the amendment of the civil registration records of the children of trans people, once a gender recognition act has taken place, so that they can be consistent with the new data of their parents. Therefore, the kids of trans people are bound to the “dead” data of their parents.
  • Same-sex couples are excluded from medically assisted reproduction (and therefore access to surrogacy). Since 2002, assisted parenthood through surrogacy is not only allowed in Greece, but also facilitated via a series of laws that encourage “surrogate tourism”, either for the purpose of having children by surrogacy or for immigrant women (mostly from Eastern Europe) to work as surrogate mothers. The entire surrogacy question is debated in the country, but what is irrelevant to the recent marriage law is that it retains the exclusion of same sex couples, revealing that it’s not surrogacy in question, but queer people as parents.
  • Requested provisions to allow non-binary people who do not identify as either male or female to obtain official documentation reflecting their gender identity, including the “other” option, have not been included in the law.
  • Finally, the main anticipated benefit of equality in marriage – resolving the cases of child custody in LGBTQ+ families – is undermined by the fact that same sex couples can not establish parental rights based on “presumption of parenthood”, such as the “presumption of paternity” that exists for heterosexual couples.

The main reason for the above faults is not ignorance but that, like the previous laws, this one also was the result of compromises and bargains with the Church, the far right, and the political establishment. On one hand, Greek society has advanced to accept diversity in sexual orientation and gender identity, and this sets pressure for legislative measures to protect LGBTQ+ people. But on the other hand, religion, family values, and heteronormativity are cornerstones of how Greek capitalism has developed so far. The kernel family of father – mother, children and/or grandparents – is an institution too established for an elected government to challenge. The government of Syriza made compromises as well, delaying the introduction of marriage equality, and allowing the right wing New Democracy to present itself as democratic and for “European” values.

These inefficiencies were brought to the attention of the left opposition, with the expectation that Nea Aristera, Syriza and/or PASOK would try pressing the government to adopt the modifications proposed by the LGBTQ+ organizations, especially because the governing party was divided and depended on the vote of the opposition. Unfortunately, this did not happen. Syriza and PASOK kept quite a low profile, criticizing the government on the one hand, but confirming that “the law shall be voted” on the other, resulting to New Democracy escaping its inner problems. The fact that the last six weeks, approaching the one year anniversary of the horrible train accident at Tempi, the government is shaken by anger on justice not being delivered, coupled with turmoil in education against its latest draft bill for private universities, was not used by the opposition. At the same time, the Communist Party’s opposition was evidently aligned with the far right homophobic rhetoric. In the lack of left wing challenge to New Democracy’s manoeuvres, passing the law appeared as the “best deal”, although it was not, and this is the reason why the LGBTQ+ movement speaks of “half” victory.

More important is that, at a rally outside the parliament on the day of the voting, all organizations spoke on the need to keep fighting in the streets and in society. This is the best guarantee that the reform far from pink-washing Kyriakos Mitsotakis and his government is only a step towards real liberation!

Dimitra Kyrillou ua a member of Proud Seniors Greece, Support group for LGBTQ+ people over 50 years.

Why You Should Boycott Eurovision if Israel is Allowed to Compete

The competition is fun. But it’s always been political


04/03/2024

Late one cold February evening in the Ligurian city of San Remo, a person in a hoodie and manatee-alien costume whispers in the ear of his fellow performer, an italian rapper named Ghali. They’re on a stage in front of 3000 audience members, a further 14 million people are watching at home. They have just performed for the last time this week. Ghali listens intently and repeats into the mic the short Italian phrase that we can all surely understand: “Stop al genocidio.”

This was the finale of Sanremo Music Festival 2024 (also known simply as Sanremo), the week- long, annual song contest on Italian television. Popular in its own right, it also serves as the selection event for Italy’s Eurovision song entry each year. After the finale, Ghali was accused of exploiting current events for attention by the Israeli ambassador to Italy but he would later confirm on Sunday variety show Domenica In that he has a history of supporting the Palestinian people that goes back further than October 2023 and has always been a political performer (he notably got in trouble for calling former interior minister Matteo Salvini a fascist). After Ghali left Domenica In, the host read a statement of “heartfelt and staunch” solidarity with “the people of Israel and the Jewish community” from Roberto Sergio, CEO of RAI (Italy’s national broadcaster). Shortly afterwards, pro-Palestinian protests erupted across sixteen Italian cities including violent repression from the police in Naples and protesters throwing glass bottles and smoke bombs at RAI’s regional offices in Milan, Ghali’s home town.

If you watch the Sanremo final on RAI’s online streaming service, Ghali’s protest has now been edited out.

This is an illustrative example of the tension building around the Eurovision Song Contest this year as people, artists, fans, NGOs and performers all call for Israel’s exclusion from the contest while national broadcasters, the event’s organisers and decision makers plug their ears and do their best to pretend everything is normal.

Peace Peace Love Love

Inspired directly by Sanremo Music Festival, Eurovision was founded in 1956, five years after Sanremo started, and has been held every year since, excepting 2020 (due to covid). While the competition has changed a lot since its early days, the basic concept has stayed the same. Simply put, roughly 40 countries submit an original song to be performed live on a big stage in May. Each country holds a public vote and a panel of industry experts who award points to all the other countries performing. You cannot vote for your own country. 

This format and history resulted in the post-facto myth that Eurovision is a contest that exists to foster peace between the nations of post-war Europe. A similar myth is extended to other post-war institutions like the EU and NATO. People are very happy to believe this but in reality the first Eurovision was mostly a technical flex. Live television broadcasting was still a young technology in 1956 and the idea of broadcasting one show across multiple countries, simultaneously and on multiple channels was ambitious. It’s also incredibly cost effective. Despite the abundance of sequins, lasers and elaborate light shows for most broadcasters, Eurovision has a much lower cost per hour of television than your run-of-the mill soap opera. 

While the idea of peace in Europe being sustained through a song competition, without which the region would descend into the Purge is amusing, it is worth noting that during the Eurovision’s 68 year run the continent has seen a great deal of violence. Turkey joined the contest one year after invading Cyprus. Azerbaijan participated in 2021 while Armenia was forced to withdraw for a year, because of the Second Nagorno-Karabakh war. Russia participated during the Russo-Georgian war and after the annexation of Crimea. Not to mention the invasions of countries outside of Europe partaken in by Eurovision members such as the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq.

Despite Eurovision’s reputation as tacky, trivial and fundamentally unserious (propagated mostly by the British because they keep losing) it remains one of the most watched live television events in the world with ratings higher than the Superbowl. Live screenings in pubs and watch parties with friends are commonplace, even those who roll their eyes at the idea of it for 364 days of the year can end up watching the final on that one Saturday evening in May. Countries who take the competition seriously usually send songs that reach number 1 in their national charts. This is the competition that produced ABBA, Celine Dion and more recently Måneskin, musicians better known abroad than the competition that propelled them into the limelight.

As an authority on the subject (I’m a podcaster, you’re welcome) I do believe that Eurovision represents some of the best of modern Europe. Not because of lofty ideas of peace and love, because the Europe of classical architecture, old world sophistication, tradition and legacy never resonated with me. Eurovision’s bright lights, pageantry, fake tan and loud beats with A2 English lyrics remind me more of the Europe I grew up in; a Europe of underage drinking in front of your town’s rinky-dink fun fair with  “Gigi D’Agostino”, for some reason, blaring in the background. 

So Eurovision is a pretty big deal, but is it more important than solidarity with the Palestinian people?

No. Don’t be stupid.

The Disrepute Zone

Since I identify with the subsection of the population that starts thinking about Eurovision in January (and not, like, a week before it starts, as do normal people) I have been watching the European Broadcasting Union (Eurovision’s governing body) flounder as the issue of Israel grows ever-more awkward for them. They’ve relied on a handful of talking points to dismiss any criticism of Israel’s continued participation, outlined below.

1. Passing the Buck 

The EBU originally claimed that it was not in a position to kick Israel out of the competition. While not technically true, the EBU is very much an organisation that draws its legitimacy from the national broadcasters that make up its membership. In 2022, after the invasion of Ukraine, the EBU publically stated  that Russia could still take part ‘if it wanted to’  and only kicked them out after the national broadcasters of eastern Europe and the Netherlands threatened to withdraw from the competition. This gets even more farcical when you take the complaint that Israel should not participate to national broadcasters like SVT, RTL, RTÉ and BBC because they will then claim that it’s the EBU’s decision and theirs alone. This results in a lovely little feedback loop where no one has to take responsibility. 

2. But it’s never been done! 

We have two recent examples of countries being kicked from the competition, Russia and Belarus. Eurovision fans and pro-Palestinian activists are drawing comparisons between expelling Israel and the expulsion of Russia in 2022. The EBU’s official rationale for excluding Russia was, “Russia’s inclusion could bring the competition into disrepute” which is likely kept intentionally vague so as to not set the precedent that launching an invasion is grounds for kicking you out. The real difference between now and 2022 is institutional support. Support for kicking Israel out has come from fans, musicians, current and past Eurovision participants while support for kicking out Russia, while including a degree of public and artist support, came primarily from national broadcasters, and was in line with European government policies on isolating Russia. Without this official backing banning Israel from the contest is an uphill battle. All civilian death and international law violation comparisons between Israel and Russia, no matter how reasonable those comparisons are, get ignored.

The circumstances of Belarus’ suspension however, might serve as a more viable template for Israel’s suspension. One would think that Belarus got suspended along with Russia for supporting the invasion of Ukraine but they actually got suspended (for three years) in 2o21 for their national broadcaster, BTSC, violating EBU rules around impartiality and independence from their government. Activists have pointed to the manner in which the Israeli national broadcaster, KAN, has covered the actions of the IDF in Gaza, as grounds for their exclusion from the EBU and thus Eurovision. While there’s a fair amount of evidence to support this assertion, for those seeking justice for the Palestinian people it does feel akin to getting Al Capone for tax evasion.

It’s all Political

Some more erudite Eurovision fans  might feel compelled to bring up the Eurovision’s “no politics” rule. To which I say (like a complete asshole): what are politics? Okay, sure, it seems like an obtuse question but I swear it’s relevant. In reality, the “no politics” rule is a joke. The EBU can point to a handful of examples indicating they take it seriously (such as Georgia’s banned post-Russo-Georgian war entry entitled “We Don’t Wanna Put In” ) but the EBU has always had a limited definition of politics and for what it does consider political is hazy enough for plausible deniability with exploitable loopholes. 

In general, if the EBU considers something morally good, it’s not political. Obviously this will include songs about peace, stopping war (vaguely defined) or in a more specific case, the two songs submitted in 1990 that referred to the fall of the Berlin wall

The EBU also does not consider the personal political. Ukraine won in 2016 with Jamala’s “1944” a half-English, half-Crimean Tatar song about the deportation of Crimean Tatars in the 1940s. The lyrics are vague but do not explicitly refer to modern Crimea, although Jamala noted that 1944 is not only about the past. Since Jamala’s great-grandmother was deported in the 1940s, her song was allowed to participate because the song’ was personal.

There also seems to be an unwritten “just don’t be obvious” rule, which Georgia’s 2009 entry was in violation of, however, you can push the rule pretty far if you want, such as Armenia’s 2015 entry “Face the Shadow.” You have to be someone who’s just heard of Armenia to not understand what six Armenians on stage singing a chorus of “don’t deny” over and over is in reference to. They were allowed to participate after, upon the EBU’s request, changing the name of the song from “Don’t Deny.”

I haven’t even mentioned Eurovision’s relationship to LGBT+ visibility and rights, which could be its own article. The 1961 winner, Luxembourg’s “Nous Les Amoureux” was a song about two lovers whose love was threatened, after the singer, Jean-Clause Pascal, came out he confirmed that the song was about two men. The lyrics manage to not reference the gender of the lovers, a remarkable feat in 1960s French. More recently, Finland’s 2013 entry “Marry Me,” was read as a protest song in favour of the legalisation of same-sex marriage (which Finland would legalise in 2017). It was fun watching people at home slowly realise that the woman singing the imperative “marry me” of the chorus was not directed at a man but at the state. 

In recent years we’ve seen the number of political entries incease, Croatia’s absurdist anti-Putin entry “Mama ŠČ”, the Czech Republic’s pro Ukraine sovereignty song “My Sister’s Crown” and my personal favourite, Serbia’s “In Corpore Sano” about how musicians as freelancers are excluded from public health insurance options, including the singer’s former bandmate who died of a treatable form of cancer. The line “God grant us health, because I don’t have insurance” gets me everytime. The atmosphere this year is no different. Second place in Ireland’s national selection was song about not being able to speak Irish anymore, Croatia’s entry this year is a Eastern European brain-drain anthem and Ghali’s song “Casa Mia” with it’s lyrics about greener grass, bluer skies and bombed hospitals is a bit on the nose. Even if Israel is kicked out or withdrawn, we’re likely to see Israeli-Luxembourgish entry Tali Golergant act as proxy (she dedicated her victory in Luxembourg to her brother currently in the IDF) and the participation of Palestinian musician Bashur Mahmud in Iceland’s national final was campaigned against.

This is just the performers and songs, the contest itself has always been political. The EBU along with the hosting national broadcaster have organised performances that occur while votes are being tallied. These range from drag acts to performances from past winners but have also included dance routines depicting the plight of refugees and the trauma inflicted upon the recent wave of refugees from the invasion of Ukraine.

What’s being done about it

The EBU’s insistence that Israel participate is already causing small acts of protest. Ghali’s comments at Sanremo were not the only ones at the final. Another finalist, Dargen D’Amico, called for a ceasefire after his performance. This comment was also subsequently censored on RAI’s streaming version. A person rushed the stage of Norway’s national selection show, Melodi Grand Prix, on live Norwegian television with a Palestinian flag and t-shirt reading ‘‘boycott Israel.’’ We’re likely to see these small acts of protest continue in May. There’s already been reports of heightened security for the Eurovision final directly attributed to ‘‘events in the Middle East’’ and because this year’s host city, Malmo, is considered a pro-Palestinian city in Sweden.

Potential performers have claimed they will not attend if Israel is allowed to participate or will lobby the EBU to kick them out. Former participants and thousands of musicians from Finland, Iceland and Sweden have called for Israel to be excluded. Boycott Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) called for the expulsion of Israel.  When that failed, March 2nd they called for a boycott of the song competition. Eurovision journalists have either intentionally limited their coverage of Israel in Eurovision 2024 or have dealt with the EBU’s hypocrisy head on (and received death threats). Letter writing campaigns have been directed at national broadcasters, the EBU, the performers and sponsors (you can find the details here if you are interested). Alternative, boycott-friendly watch parties are being organised (including this one in Berlin organised by myself which will be fundraising for Medical Aid Palestine).

It is impossible to keep politics out of this contest. Banning Russia was a political move and the shows of sympathy and support to Ukraine by performers and even the contest organisers themselves was a political act—an act that, as far as I can tell, has been appreciated by viewers and fans. However, if Russia can get banned for an invasion, Belarus can get banned for media repression, but Israel can remain, the EBU is sending a pretty clear signal that Palestinian lives don’t matter. 

Photo and Video Gallery – Global South Resists

Demonstration for Palestine. Neptunenbrunnen to Potsdamer Platz, Saturday 2nd March 2024


03/03/2024

                                                                                                        

 

Videos

 

 

 

Photos and Videos: Cherry Adam, Phil Butland, Kerstin Cademartori Antony Hamilton, Ksenia Krauer-Pacheco, Craig Redmond, Angela Schildt, Sozialismus von Unten, Silke Stöckle, Martin Teicher, and Jav Toscano