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News from Berlin and Germany, 18th March 2026

Weekly news round-up from Berlin and Germany


18/03/2026

News from Berlin

Naidoo at the Victory Column, Neo-Nazis in Mitte and Marzahn

Three right-wing demonstrations kept Berlin’s anti-fascists busy on March 14. Xavier Naidoo, who, in addition to his musical comeback, is once again publicly spreading conspiracy theories, was among those who mobilized for the demonstration at the Victory Column. 10,000 participants were registered, but an estimated 500 attended. There was no sign of any counter-protests at the Victory Column. In contrast, an estimated 200 Antifa activists gathered at Potsdamer Platz to demonstrate against a neo-Nazi march. Around 160 staunch neo-Nazis also marched in Marzahn this Saturday, mobilized by the far right and nationalist micro-party Der Dritte Weg (The Third Way). Antifascist counter-protesters also gathered there. Source: taz

Public prosecutor’s office investigates initial suspicion against Wedl-Wilson

For weeks, Culture Senator Sarah Wedl-Wilson has been under fire for awarding Senate Chancellery funding to projects by CDU colleagues. As reported by the Tagesspiegel, the public prosecutor’s office is now investigating the case, examining whether there is initial suspicion of a crime, such as breach of trust. The background to the controversy is the awarding of funds for projects against antisemitism. According to reports, CDU politician Christian Goiny allegedly pressured Wedl-Wilson to quickly release €2.6 million in funding. The CDU budget expert has repeatedly rejected accusations of undue influence on the allocation of funding for antisemitism projects. Source: bz

News from Germany

Die Linke in Baden-Württemberg: a brief performance analysis

Disappointment was written all over the faces of Die Linke members when the results of the Baden-Württemberg election were announced: 4.4%. That was below expectations, especially since Die Linke had been consistently polling at six to seven percent until shortly before the election. Accordingly, Die Linke had been quite confident of entering the state parliament in the southwest for the first time. Despite failing, the party sees itself as strengthened after the elections. Source: nd

Germany’s automotive industry: suppliers reorient themselves

Electric cars and declining sales—the automotive industry’s suppliers also feel the effects of the upheaval. Since 2019, suppliers alone have cut around 55,000 jobs. Tight margins, common for companies which manufacture parts and components for combustion engines, mean many lack the funds for investment. Those who can seek new business areas. An example is EBM-Papst, which now focuses on fans and ventilators for data centers and hospitals. Despite such challenges, Germany has become the world’s second-largest producer of electric vehicles. According to IW Consult, around 182,000 people are now employed nationwide in the three “opportunity areas” of electrification, automation, and connectivity. Source: dw

Antisemitism Commissioner Büttner leaves Die Linke

The antisemitism commissioner for the state of Brandenburg, Andreas Büttner, has ended his membership in Die Linke. He doesn’t like his decision, but he considers it a “necessary step.” The Jüdische Allgemeine was the first to report on his departure. The reason for his resignation was a resolution which passed at the Lower Saxony Die Linke state convention over the weekend, “Rejection of Zionism.” Büttner writes he can no longer remain a member of this party without betraying his own convictions, claiming that anyone who deprecates Israel as a “genocidal state” is adopting narratives which are part of modern antisemitic ideology. Source: spiegel

Söder calls for mini nuclear power plants in Germany

Given the debate about energy security in Germany, Bavarian Minister-President Markus Söder (CSU) has advocated for a test run of a so-called mini nuclear power plant. Chancellor Friedrich Merz (CDU) called the nuclear phase-out “irreversible,” but also expressed his regret about it. The SPD’s energy expert in the Bundestag, Nina Scheer, described Söder’s proposal as “absurd.” Julia Verlinden (Greens) told the AFP news agency that mini nuclear power plants are “a particularly expensive and risky technology.” Recently, EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen (CDU) has announced new EU funding for research and investment in nuclear energy at a nuclear energy summit in France. Source: tagesschau

Union ver.di calls for public transport warning strike

The union ver.di is currently conducting collective bargaining negotiations for public transport employees in almost all German states. Agreements have already been reached in Baden-Württemberg and Schleswig-Holstein. “In many states, we are unfortunately still at the very beginning,” ver.di Vice Chair Christine Behle stated on March 16. In Bavaria, Brandenburg, Saarland, Thuringia, and at the Hamburg public transport company (Hochbahn), negotiations are also taking place regarding higher wages and salaries. However, Brandenburg (and Berlin) will not participate in the announced warning strike in public transport on March 18 and 19. Source: rbb

Germany will meet its 2025 climate targets—but only just

Greenhouse gas emissions in Germany fell by only 0.1% in 2025 compared to 2024. Federal Environment Minister Carsten Schneider (SPD) spoke of “stagnation in many areas” and urged significantly greater efforts. According to the German Environment Agency (UBA), emissions in 2025 amounted to around 649 million tons of CO₂ equivalents. While this means Germany fell below the total amount permitted for the year under the Climate Protection Act, the reduction was significantly smaller than in previous years. Overall, emissions are now 48% below 1990 levels—the legal target stipulates a 65% reduction by 2030. Schneider announced that the cabinet is to adopt a new climate protection program on March 25. Source: dw

Müller Milk billionaire proposes CDU-AfD alliance

Entrepreneur Theo Müller, known among other things for the Müller Milk brand, has proposed that the CDU in Baden-Württemberg form a coalition with the AfD. Speaking to the Bild, Müller said: “The CDU doesn’t have to shrink itself and become Cem Özdemir’s junior partner.” Müller’s relationship with the AfD has been the subject of speculation and controversy for some time: last February, he lost a lawsuit against Campact; the point of contention was the statement “Theo Müller supports the AfD.” Campact is allowed to continue making this claim. In the southern German state a Green-Black coalition has been governing since 2021, and this is likely to continue. Source: bz

23 March 1931 – Revolutionaries hanged in connection to the Lahore conspiracy case

This week in working class history

“…on behalf of the helpless Indian masses, we want to emphasize the lesson often repeated by history, that it is easy to kill individuals but you cannot kill the ideas.”

On 23 March 1931, the death penalty was meted out rapidly to the south Asian revolutionaries Bhagat Singh, Rajguru and Sukhdev Thapar of the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association (HSRA) by the British following the judgement passed coincidentally on October 7, 1930 for the murder of a British police officer in 1928. They were all 23 years old.

Reemerging from hiding, Bhagat Singh–arguably the most famous revolutionary of his time–and another fellow member Batukeshwar Dutt gave themselves up to the police following a strategic public action in the Lahore Assembly in 1929. They set off two low-intensity bombs in an empty area of the assembly in session and threw flyers intended to attract public attention to their cause. Their arrest and Singh’s eventual execution were among the final blows to the revolutionary cause in British India, leaving the hegemonical Indian National Congress and the Muslim League to fight it out till independence in 1947. 

HSRA, like many revolutionary youth organisations of its time, was founded in diametric opposition to Gandhian non-violence following the debacle of the Gandhi-led Non-Cooperation movement (1919-1922). A violent incident in Chauri Chaura led Gandhi to call off the successful popular mobilisation against the British which he intended to be “non-violent”. Bhagat Singh, who closely followed the developments in Russia and espoused anarchist and communist ideas, had several family members involved in the anti-imperialist struggle. Singh dived head first into the revolutionary movement, which was spreading across the north of India and Bengal. HSRA was involved in the Kakori conspiracy to steal arms from a British train and in the bombing of the Viceroy Lord Irwin’s train. Responding to Gandhi’s “Cult of the Bomb”, HSRA wrote a brilliant piece called the “Philosophy of the Bomb”, stressing on violence as the answer to imperialist oppression. HSRA members were young poets, scientists and university students across different faiths. 

In a peaceful protest in October-November 1928, the radical Congress leader Lala Lajpat Rai was killed following a lathi (baton) charge in front of Bhagat Singh. As a prominent member of HSRA at the time, Singh conspired to kill James Scott, the superintendent who called for the lathi charge. In December 1928 he acted, along with Rajguru, Sukhdev and Chandrasekhar Azad but mistakenly killed a young police officer John Saunders instead, forcing them into hiding. As HSRA members were picked off one by one, Singh knew his time was near, and decided to exploit the power of the court to publicise their cause. The Lahore Assembly bombing was thus carried out, inspired by the French Auguste Valliant. Bhagat Singh defended himself in court, the published proceedings in newspapers made him a household name in India. He was initially given a life sentence in connection with the bombing. 

While in prison, Bhagat Singh witnessed discrimination between Indian and other European prisoners, and demanded to be treated as a political prisoner which meant better access to food and reading material. Thus began a 116-day hunger strike along with fellow revolutionaries, that also included the death of Jatin Das on day 63. British force-feeding and Congress lobbying did not deter him and his comrades. By this time, the British managed to tie up the ends regarding Saunders’ murder and sentenced the trio including him to death by hanging. The British were afraid that their eventual murder would set off nationwide clashes, and secretly killed them on March 23, 1931.

It is said that the three went to the gallows laughing, singing “Inquilab Zindabad” (Long live the revolution). The site where their bodies were disposed of in Husseiniwala ironically stands on a heavily fenced border area between India and Pakistan. Bhagat Singh remains a popular figure in the subcontinent, co-opted by all parts of the political spectrum.

Bhagat Singh famously read Clara Zetkin’s reminiscences of Lenin as the police came to take him to the gallows. For his last wish, he wished he could finish that book. He was an excellent writer and his writings are all over the internet. The reader is advised to start here.

Inquilab Zindabad!

12-Hour workdays, crushed rights: Argentina under Milei’s labor law 

The new labor reform in Argentina drastically reduces the rights of employees.

President of Argentina Javier Milei speaking at the 2025 Conservative Political Action Conference

On Friday, March 6, 2026, in Argentina, the labor reform came into force. One of the cornerstones of Milei’s administration is now law. The reform affects the relationship between workers and employers. Voted in the Senate on February 11 and in the Congreso Nacional on February 27, it left behind a wave of controversy, mobilization, and, above all, repression. Strongly criticized by the opposition, this reform changes the regulation of labor relations, favoring employers and drastically reducing the rights of employees. According to Deputy Myriam Bregman, the law was supported and backed only by “entrepreneurs and law firm lawyers”, maintaining a strongly anti-popular character. Composed of 25 chapters, it introduces radical changes on issues such as compensation, dismissals, vacations, and overtime. Crucial and dangerous is the freedom granted by the new rules to employers. These create a relationship between employer and employee that is extremely unbalanced in favor of the former. It is because of this imbalance that the reform has been defined as “slavish”. According to Bregman, “the only freedom Javier Milei defends is the freedom to enslave.” 

The first major change concerns the length of the workday. The maximum limit of 8 hours per day is eliminated, introducing the possibility of working up to 12 hours a day, provided that 48 hours per week are not exceeded and 12 hours of rest are available between shifts. Another problematic point concerns the possibility for employers to pay wages with food, housing, or goods instead of money. Another ambiguity concerns the creation of a bank of hours. Under this mechanism, overtime may not be remunerated. The alternative to payment consists of compensation through additional days off. On paper, these options must result from an agreement between the two parties. In practice, the employer always holds the upper hand, especially considering the increasingly weak role of unions. 

Also worrying is the attack on workers’ right to strike, particularly in sectors such as commerce, education, port services, and telecommunications. For these categories, it is mandatory to guarantee at least 75% of services during strike days. 

The approval of the law has been, and continues to be, at the center of struggles by Argentine social movements. Strikes and demonstrations have highlighted the strong unpopularity of the reform. Bregman herself was present at the mass mobilization on February 11 that took to the streets of Buenos Aires and the country’s main cities. Her testimony is a crucial denunciation of the brutality used by the police to suppress the protest. “They approached (the police) to the sidewalk on motorcycles and started shooting from two or three meters away.” Saved only, according to her, by “the enormous solidarity of the people.” According to the deputy, the repression had the declared aim of concealing the massive rejection of the labor reform. The far-right responds once again to general discontent with its most representative weapon: repression, at any cost. 

The struggle, however, does not stop. The main Argentine unions and opposition politicians have called for a large popular demonstration on March 24. Not a random date, since that day marks 50 years since the coup that led to the dictatorship of the military juntas initiated by Videla, lasting until 1983 and stained with crimes such as murders, repression, and forced disappearances. Beyond the demand for a trial and adequate punishment for the remaining unpunished perpetrators, the organizers call for the repeal of the labor reform itself

The measure represents a huge blow to workers’ rights. The government continues with a hardline approach, saying that the situation in Argentina will improve. Improvements that come at a high cost for workers, stripped of their rights. The number of informal or precarious workers is extremely high. Reforms like this risk widening the gap between wages and the cost of living, effectively increasing this phenomenon. Once again, Milei’s ultraliberal policies end up favoring large companies and foreign investors, placed first, ahead of the needs of the people he had promised to uplift. 

Charges are dropped against Palestinian couple raided by the police

Repression in Berlin – report #5

In February 2025, after a five-minute court hearing, the case against a young Palestinian-American student was dropped: a case that had entangled her, as well as her Palestinian-German partner in a month-long campaign of targeted state violence and persecution.

Ten months earlier, the home of the couple was stormed at 6am by a the State Criminal Police Office (LKA), as well as forces from the Special Operations Unit (SEK). While the official pretext for the raid and subsequent court case was a Facebook post that read “From the River to the Sea, Palestine Will Be Free”, the case illustrates that rather than merely criminalising a slogan, the German state attempts to terrorise and intimidate those who publicly express dissent to the genocidal “Staatsräson” paradigm.

The investigation was triggered when a person, likely a neighbour, scanned the student’s facebook profile and reported her to the anti-discrimination office in Hesse called “Hessen gegen Hetze” (Hesse Against Agitation). This office escalated the case to the Frankfurt Public Prosecutor’s Office, who then forwarded it to Berlin.

After the raid the couple learned that then a three-month long investigation followed, in which they were never addressed to respond to accusations, which they first heard off when charges were read to them during the raid.

Moreover, files accessed by their lawyer showed that enquiries were made about both to all kinds of authorities: from regular police, the state resident’s registration, to enquiries to the Office for the Protection of the Constitution (Verfassungsschutz).

The student described the raid, which left her in utter disbelief of the disproportionate measures taken by the cops:

On 16 May 2024, at around 6 am, my husband and I were woken by a knock at the door. My husband quickly got up to see what the commotion was about. When he opened the door, police officers stormed in. I got up quickly and tried to shut the door. As I did so, two female officers burst in – I was half-naked! I was ordered to get dressed so they could take me to the living room.

Her partner, who was later also charged for the same slogan, as well as the alleged use of banned organisations and trespassing, relayed:

While two female police officers were in the room with my wife, supervising her as she got dressed, my details were being checked and I was made to wait in my own living room. When my wife was ready, she was sat down next to me, and we were finally told what was happening.

As it turned out in hindsight, the raid itself had also been thoroughly prepared, in a bizarre display of state power. Two days prior to it, the police came to the building, photographed the outside, the nameplate on the doorbell, the front door, letterbox, and wrote a report on how many entrances and exits the building had, the window facade, and other details. The Palestinian-German engineer described the absurdity:

Later, we found out that the police had frantically rung all the neighbours’ doorbells to get into the building. While they were knocking at our door, they had covered our peephole with black tape. It’s all pretty excessive for such an allegation.

The actual reason a judge signed this search warrant was that the police couldn’t definitively identify my wife from the profile pictures on Facebook. So nowadays, the police can conduct house searches just to establish someone’s identity.

The case, which culminated in the suspension of proceedings illustrates that state repression does not always aim for eventual conviction in court, as cops are well aware of the frequent insubstantiality of accusations. Instead, raids and the terror and intimidation they are supposed to inflict appear to be a goal in themselves.

However, in this case, as in many others, the accused continued their activism for Palestine unafraid, as reflected in the students’ statement:

Anyone else facing repression needs to speak out about it! And make sure you get good lawyers. Most of these allegations have no legal basis that would hold up in court. Keep fighting, and Free Palestine, forever and ever!

Ramadan behind bars

A fictional story inspired by the experiences of young North African men in Berlin


16/03/2026

Many arrive at Kottbusser Tor in Berlin either without documents or after their asylum has been rejected. With no legal means to earn money and their social benefits cut, they often end up surviving by selling drugs on the streets. During the processing of their asylum claims, they are housed in refugee camps known as ‘Wohnheime’. This story draws on those realities to follow one character’s journey through a system that too often leads from the Wohnheim to the pre-trial detention center at Moabit. For more of my work on this topic, please see here.

Throughout the year, the boys at Kotti will always talk about their wish to spend Ramadan out of jail. Especially those that experienced it inside. Twenty-eight-year-old Omar heard those stories and, as Ramadan was drawing closer, he, like the other boys, really prayed that he wouldn’t go to jail until the Holy month is over. Remembering this now makes him laugh. He has been held in pre-trial detention in Moabit’s correctional facility, Justizvollzugsanstalt Moabit, since November. Until now, there has been no decision regarding what he is accused of, and the court date remains undetermined.

He was calling his best friend Mohammad everyday when he first came to prison. But even that doesn’t comfort him anymore. He sits here locked up between four walls as he waits for Iftar; it must have been over a week since he last called Mohammad. He just doesn’t have the energy for anything anymore. The outside world seems so far, and sometimes calling reminds him of the isolation rather than breaks it.

Prior to coming here, he and Mohammad were inseparable. In fact, Omar was heading to Mohammad’s room to sleep over there when he got caught by the police. It was a random Thursday that seemed like any other Thursday. He called Mohammed to ask him which S-Bahn to take and quickly hung up on him to answer a call from his mum.

Everyone knows how close he is to his mum. She prays everyday that he will stay safe, she tells him. What she doesn’t tell him is that she prays to see him in person one last time before she dies. She is still grateful that now there is WhatsApp and video calls to stay in touch. She remembers the uncle that left to Europe when she was a child; no one ever saw his face again or even knew what he looked like after he left home. He would call his mother twice or three times a year, just to say a few words. The short, expensive call that was fraught with bad connection did nothing but make him feel more separated from his family. And those calls were the only connection that her grandmother and mother had with him. Now, with Omar unreachable in Moabit, that old, familiar feeling of a son being swallowed by Europe has returned, as sharp and as painful as her grandmother must have felt it.

Until that Thursday, this had not happened to her. Omar called her all the time. They were close in a way her grandmother never could be with her uncle. But this last call was quite short. He said he will call her back and quickly hung up. His number didn’t ring again. She knew something was wrong. She called his friend Mohammad over and over again but he didn’t dare to pick up before he could find out what had happened to his friend. It wasn’t until several days later that he picked up her call with some news. During those several days, she couldn’t eat or sleep or think of anything other than Omar.

Mohammad was waiting for the formal confirmation from the social worker, but deep inside he knew from the first minute that Omar had been taken by the police. This is the moment that Mohammad and Omar and all the other boys fear the most—the moment when they get stopped by the police in a busy S-Bahn station, get asked for the papers they don’t have, and get searched in front of everyone. The police make sure they don’t search in a discrete way. They are trained to turn the boys into a spectacle. It’s called the art of policing and law enforcement.

But still, for Omar, even when all hope disappeared on that day and he knew he would get taken to jail, he never imagined that he would be held without a trial date all the way to Ramadan, which is March. They didn’t catch him with anything on him and he wasn’t doing anything wrong other than just being in the station. So why would it take such a long time for them to determine the accusation and decide on a court date. He hasn’t even been assigned a social worker in jail, which means that people on the outside have no possibility to communicate with him. And that his only channel to the outside world is the phone number of his friend Mohammad, which he can only call if he has money left on his card. Omar keeps asking his lawyer, who was hired by his social worker, to find out when he will get some answers, but she just shrugs or tells him to wait. No one knows anything yet.

He keeps thinking of this over and over again. He is locked up 23 hours a day, so lots of time to think. One of his Arab cellmates say that Moabit detention is like a luxury hotel. But he doesn’t think so. In fact, he doesn’t like anything about it. Being locked up in here, his mind goes to places he never thought of before. And now that he has been fasting all alone here, and half of Ramadan is already behind him, he has started to lose his patience. The dark thoughts keep on increasing. This morning, he found himself wondering how long it would take for his mother to find out that sometimes he used to take Lyrica, the infamous anxiety pill that his mates at Kotti introduced him to. Would she find out that he even sells this stuff? Would she forgive him if she found out? How would he explain to her that there is no other way for him to make money. His Sozialleistung had been cut since he stopped going to his Wohnheim. He got too scared after the security woke up one of his mates at four a.m. and deported him. Even when he was still going regularly, the Sozialleistung was hardly enough for his basic needs.

These questions keep coming to his mind. Suddenly he gets all these feelings that he can no longer describe, feelings that are both heavy and strong, but he doesn’t know what to call them. Fear. Regret. Grief. Loneliness. He doesn’t even know or use those words. He heard others saying things like that since he came to Moabit. He even started to avoid calling his Mohammad because he doesn’t know what to say when his friend asks how he is doing.

He tries to remember his mum’s voice telling him to look for patience from within, and warning him of the pain of those who lose patience inside prison. He knows she is right, but he can’t take it anymore. Ramadan isn’t over yet. Half is behind him, half still ahead filled with uncertainties, like everything else in here.

He doesn’t know about the trial date. Doesn’t know if he’ll call Mohammad tomorrow. His mother’s messages pile up somewhere he can’t reach. And somewhere in Morocco, his mother sits with her phone in her hands, waiting. She thinks of her uncle again, of the grandmother who waited for calls that never came. She always thought technology would protect her from that fate.

In his cell, Omar doesn’t know she’s praying for him. But for a moment, the dark thoughts stop. He doesn’t know why. He only knows that tomorrow, maybe, he’ll try calling Mohammad.

Outside, the boys at Kotti are still talking, still praying they don’t end up here.