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Love & sexuality

A Marxist analysis

“I don’t need paradise Leo, nor eternal love.

I want a world so reasonable that one can live in it as a human being.”

Rosa Luxemburg, 1899

It’s one of humanity’s oldest illusions that love exists outside of history and regardless of the relations of production. We like to believe the heart “follows no rules” as if it floated above the material world. But the heart beats in a body that works, eats, suffers, and survives within social relations. And that means love, even in its most tender form, is shaped by the world in which it lives.

We don’t love in a vacuum. Our tenderness, jealousy, and sense of “home” are not timeless emotions. They are historical products, changing with the way we produce and reproduce life. As Marx wrote, even our most intimate feelings are “social relations expressed in persons.”

When Engels argued in “The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State” that the monogamous family arose from the man’s need to pass on his property, he wasn’t saying love is a lie. He was saying it is formed by property, labour, and power. Therefore, it can be changed by changing the material conditions.

From sharing to inheritance

Early hunter-gatherer societies shared resources, childcare, and responsibility. There was no concept of “mine and yours,” and no family unit in the modern sense. Love and care were part of collective life. Engels called this stage “primitive communism” a time before class domination, when production and reproduction were shared.

Humans lived as nomadic peoples back then. Accordingly, the accumulation of possessions would have been disadvantageous. They tended to live more from hand to mouth. The idea of private property did not exist back then.

That changed with the rise of agriculture and herding. People began to settle, cultivate, and accumulate.

The invention of the plough in particular enabled humans, for the first time, to produce surpluses. Operating the plough was physically demanding work that was hardly possible during pregnancy and breastfeeding. Before that, women had been able to gather and hunt even while pregnant. With the invention of the plough, the division of labour changed fundamentally. Friedrich Engels described this development as “The world-historic defeat of the female sex.” 

This was the birth of private property, and with it, the first great divide: production became men’s domain, reproduction women’s. The family emerged as the basic unit of ownership. The woman, once a co-producer, became responsible for the reproduction. And love became a function of inheritance.

This new concept of property demanded heirs. In order to determine the line of inheritance, it had to be clear who the two progenitors were. This resulted in the regulation of female sexuality.

Surplus created storage; storage created ownership and new roles within the society. Some produced the surplus others coordinated it. This new role of administration was the very first start of classes. Some started to gain control over the surplus while others produced it. 

What had once been a communal relation became a private institution. The family taught obedience, possession, and moral duty preparing people for a world organised by domination. The so-called “natural” roles of man and woman were anything but natural. They were historical tools for stabilising property and hierarchy.

The moral economy of marriage

Ancient societies built entire states on this logic. In Greece, the citizen was “free” only because others were not. Men debated in public; women were confined to the house, their bodies part of the machinery of reproduction. Rome perfected this system: the pater familias owned not just land and slaves, but his wife and children. Marriage was a legal contract, not a romantic choice.

When feudalism replaced the empires this logic stayed, only now, God was its guarantor. The Church sanctified property through marriage. What had been a contract became a „sacrament“. Behind the holiness of the family stood the same economics: inheritance, land, and lineage.

The troubadours of the Middle Ages invented “courtly love,” that great European myth of passion and virtue. But it was never a real emancipation, just a poetic mask. Knights sang of love to ennoble themselves, not to challenge the system. The lady was muse, not equal.

In this world, the woman’s chastity secured property; her silence kept peace. Feudal morality turned economic dependence into moral duty. The poorer you were, the more “virtuous” you were expected to be.

Industrial love and bourgeois rebranding

With capitalism came the factory and a new family form. The industrial revolution separated what had long been connected: home from labour.

The bourgeois family became the smallest cell of capitalist reproduction. The man went out to work for wages; the woman worked inside, unpaid. 

At the same time marriage was no longer just an economic arrangement; it was supposed to be about “choice,” “feeling,” “the heart.” But this freedom mirrored the market itself. The free love of the bourgeoisie was simply the free competition of capitalism, dressed up as romance.

Love became the emotional compensation for alienated work. The home was a small oasis in a world of profit and exhaustion. But the price of that illusion was high. Women’s unpaid labour childcare, cooking, cleaning, care work became a hidden foundation of industrial wealth.

The idea of “romantic love” was, in truth, a rebranding of the idea of a family functioning for the production. The product was the same as before gendered division of labour but now it came with a prettier label. He earns, she cares, both perform. The marketing campaign was so successful that we still believe it.

The idea of family and gender roles changes with the change of the ‘Relations of Production’. 

Swiping left – a new era of intimacy?

Today, the old structures wear new masks. The factory walls have fallen for many, but the work hasn’t disappeared –  it’s just moved into our homes, our devices, and even our emotions. The flexible worker must also be a flexible lover.

The contemporary self is a brand. We curate, optimise, sell ourselves. Dating apps promise endless choice and algorithmic destiny, yet what they deliver is a new kind of conformity. Desire is endless, but connection is rare.

We are no longer bound by law or religion but by comparison by the constant demand to be desirable, independent, self-sufficient. Relationships become joint ventures; breakups resemble business dissolutions. Care work is sometimes outsourced, underpaid, and still feminised. The promise of equality has not abolished dependence, it has privatised it.

New forms of relationships

In Germany, alternative relationship structures such as polyamory, open relationships, and co-parenting arrangements have gained increasing visibility in recent years. While reliable prevalence data remain limited, surveys indicate a growing openness toward non-monogamous relationship models. For example, a 2022 YouGov survey found that about 10–15% of respondents in Germany reported that they could imagine being in a non-monogamous relationship, while younger respondents were significantly more open to such arrangements. At the same time, Germany has experienced substantial increases in housing costs and general living expenses over the past decade, particularly in large urban areas. 

Within changing material conditions, new relationship forms such as polyamory are neither a coincidence nor an escape from the system. As rents rise and the cost of living becomes unaffordable for many, it is increasingly impossible for people to plan for children or to establish families in the traditional sense. Out of these material contradictions, new ideas emerge. It is understandable that concepts such as polyamory and co-parenting are gaining traction precisely in these crisis stages of capitalism. For many, this may even appear to be a progressive way out of the constraints of capitalism. Yet they too are a consequence of material conditions. The idea of creating an island in the sea of capitalism may seem like an acceptable solution for individuals; however, within a system based on exploitation and oppression, we can neither live freely nor love freely, because we continue to move within its predetermined structures. Regardless of whether these conditions lead people to choose more progressive relationship models. 

At the same time, a reactionary movement can be observed regarding the expression of family life and gender roles. On social media in particular, there has been a growing visibility of so-called “tradwives” and “alpha male” influencers who promote a return to traditional relationship models and gender hierarchies. These conservative family structures and role expectations can also be interpreted in connection with broader processes of militarization and rearmament. A society that prepares for military conflict often relies on and reproduces more rigid and conservative gender roles. More broadly, periods of crisis within capitalism tend to produce social polarization, which is also reflected in the organization and imagination of intimate relationships.

Every historical era produces the forms of relationships it economically requires.

How to liberate Love

To love freely, we must live freely. That doesn’t mean moral liberation; it means transforming the material basis of life. When work is no longer coercion, love no longer needs to be compensation.

Love, in this sense, is not a sentimental issue. It’s a question of the material conditions and the production relations. 

If, as Marx wrote,  ‘being’ determines consciousness, then a different kind of being –  collective provision, time, and security will produce a different kind of love. This isn’t romantic idealism; it’s political realism.

The bourgeois world sold us love as a brand for work and hierarchy. To change the branding we must change the system itself. Otherwise we only create islands to escape without realizing that there is no way to escape. When property and exploitation recede, love changes, too. It stops being the branding of a system and becomes the practice of solidarity.

Only then can Luxemburg’s dream become reality, not an eternal love, but a world so rational, so just, that we can finally live, and love, in it as human beings.

Half a million united against racism

Two reports and two photo galleries from the Together Alliance demonstration in London, 28 March 2026

Report #1 from Dave Gilchrist

Anti-racist activists in the UK used to look to France and Italy—at the rise of the Rassemblement National and various Italian far-right parties—and argue that Britain had already defeated its own equivalents: the National Front, then the British National Party, and later the English Defence League. It was true: we had.

For readers in Germany, this trajectory may feel familiar. The period in which far-right forces appeared marginal has given way to a renewed and more complex threat, combining electoral advance with street-level mobilisation. As in Germany—with the rise of the Alternative for Germany alongside networks of extra-parliamentary activism—Britain now faces a similar dual dynamic.

In the UK, this takes the form of the growing far-right populist party Reform UK, led by Nigel Farage, alongside a street movement organised by Stephen Yaxley-Lennon, better known as Tommy Robinson. Robinson mobilised 100,000 people on the streets of London last year, and Reform UK looks set to perform strongly in the local elections in May, with some already speculating about its longer-term electoral prospects.

This year has seen hundreds of far-right mobilisations in towns across the country, most often protests outside hotels housing asylum seekers. These echo the localised protests and agitation seen in parts of eastern Germany, where refugee accommodation has become a focal point for far-right organising. In Britain, the vast majority of these actions have been countered by Stand Up To Racism and other local anti-racist groups. SUTR held over 450 counter protests from February 2025 to February this year.

It was the shock of Robinson’s large demonstration—during which the Stand Up To Racism counter-protest was physically threatened—that galvanised activists into further action. In response, the Together Alliance was formed, bringing together a broad coalition from civil society opposed to the far right. Its aim was singular: to mobilise the largest possible numbers against them.

The date was set for 28 March, timed to fall close to International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination and to coincide with the “No Kings” protests in the United States.

The mobilisation proved a major success, with around 500,000 people protesting on the day—an intervention that may be of interest in Germany, where debates continue about how to translate widespread opposition to the AfD into sustained mass mobilisation. Trade unions played a central role, particularly the National Education Union and the University and College Union, with the NEU’s leadership proving especially important. Other unions also brought substantial numbers, including Unison and Unite the Union.

Another notable presence was the leftward-moving Green Party of England and Wales, and its charismatic leader Zack Polanski, which mobilised a significant contingent. This broad alignment—from trade unions to environmentalists, faith groups, and grassroots organisations—offers a contrast to the more fragmented landscape often discussed in Germany.

Many others joined, ranging from the Woodcraft Folk to activists in the fashion world and numerous public figures. The demonstration included LGBT+, environmental, and Christian blocs—significant given the far right’s attempts, in both Britain and Germany, to instrumentalise cultural and religious identities.

The Palestine solidarity movement, including many Muslim organisations, also played an important role, organising a feeder march of around 50,000 people that joined the main demonstration and was met with enthusiasm and a strong sense of unity.

At the core of all this was Stand Up To Racism, which played a vital organising role throughout.

What happens next for the Together Alliance remains open. There is a danger that it could be drawn too heavily into electoral organising. The role of socialists will therefore be crucial in maintaining a focus on mass mobilising—on the streets and in the workplace.

However, speaking to many activists, it is clear that much of the gloom and fear surrounding the rise of the right has lifted. As Weyman Bennett of Stand Up To Racism has often said: we beat them before, and we will do so again.

Report #2 by Anna (old enough) and Lyra (aged 10)

Billed by odious far right commentator Charlotte Gill as a “hate march”, and far right crank “journalist” Melanie Phillips as a “terrorist march” (in a now-deleted post on Twitter) the Together Alliance march was really a march of love. Along with many others across the country, we attended the march, travelling down to London from West Yorkshire. 

500,000 people (or thereabouts, we couldn’t count them all) marched in London this Saturday against the racism, hate and division spread by the far right. Enthusiastic delegations from every trade union were present. Greens marched with revolutionaries and Labour Party members. There were LGBTQ+ demonstrators, Muslim demonstrators and LGBTQ+ Muslim demonstrators. Refugees and school kids felt safe to attend, and were embraced by the march. Firefighters marched holding pride progress flags. Health union members proclaimed solidarity with migrant workers. A key theme of the march was solidarity with refugees. Educators marched with a sound system playing The Clash and chanted anti-Farage chants (Lyra’s favourite contingent to march with). Brass bands played as well as samba bands. Morris dancers were there morris dancing. A big Palestine Solidarity contingent joined the march and many demonstrators wore keffiyehs and chanted “free Palestine”. Disabled activists led the march. This was the diverse working class at its very best. 

In terms of opposition, there was a pitiful far right gathering that we didn’t see, and  at one point we encountered a solitary woman running back and forth through the demo shouting “long live Israel!” and being ignored by the marchers. We assume she was trying to provoke a reaction. 

Lyra says: “the march was so massive, I was stressed by how many people were there until we started moving. There were lots of dogs on the march, and people from lots of different groups. It was so big that we couldn’t find our union branch. It’s good that there are lots of anti racists, even if it was stressful and my mum made me carry a flag”. 

The march gave us hope and confidence, it was a relief to outnumber the far right. It has sometimes felt that their rise is unstoppable. In September last year, fascist Tommy Robinson’s ‘Unite the Kingdom’ event drew 100,000 people onto the streets. We outnumbered them this weekend and we need to keep outnumbering them. It helps to see that there are a lot of good people who care enough to stand up and be counted. We now need to build on that sense of renewed confidence and organise in our workplaces and communities. Big marches are uplifting (perhaps not if you’re Lyra), but we’ll need to do more to defeat the far right and drive them out of public life. Next socialists in Britain need to drive the far right dregs of UKIP out of Leeds on 25th April, oppose Tommy Robinson’s next planned hate march in London on 16th May, and also work to stop the rise of the racist, anti-worker Reform party in the May elections and beyond. There’s work to be done. We’re ready.

Photo Gallery 1: Guy Smallman www.guysmallman.com

Photo Gallery 2: Dave Gilchrist

Berlin Surveillance and Predictive Policing Research Unit

Experimentation for new ways of learning together

The Berlin Surveillance and Predictive Policing Research Unit is a community research project hosted and initiated at Trust.support. In this working group we aim to develop creative strategies for attenuating the power and exceptionalism of the Berliner Polizei.

We host events and are working on a zine. Join us in Schöneberg for our bi-monthly meetings! Upcoming events are published a couple of weeks in advance. The next meeting is scheduled for 11 May.

For more information about the German police, we also recommend following, supporting, or donating to the following organisations:

  • https://www.3ezwa.de/
  • https://kop-berlin.de/
  • https://www.justice-collective.org/
  • https://www.instagram.com/courtwatchberlin/
  • https://berlin.rote-hilfe.de/

We are currently reading: Matthias Monroy, Dissecting Security Architectures

News from Berlin and Germany, 1st April 2026

Weekly news round-up from Berlin and Germany

News from Berlin

Activists occupy roof of Rheinmetall Weapons factory in Berlin

Several activists climbed onto the roof of Rheinmetall Waffe Munition GmbH in Berlin-Mitte on March 25 to protest. “The police were alerted to Scheringstraße 2 at 6:15 a.m. today because four people were reportedly on the roof,” a police spokesperson explained then on X. According to media reports, Rheinmetall plans to have its workers produce ammunition in the factory, among other things, starting this summer. The former Pierburg plant in the Gesundbrunnen district used to produce car parts—until Rheinmetall decided to convert the site into an arms manufacturer. The conversion of the plant has met with widespread protest, for example under the slogan “No Rheinmetall in Wedding.” Source: n-tv

Man and woman injured with machete—attackers shout Nazi slogans

A man and a woman were attacked in Friedrichshain in the early hours of March 25. According to the police, the two 19-year-olds were walking on Jessnerstraße around 1:30 am when two unknown individuals began insulting them. Shortly after the initial verbal altercation, one of the men pulled a machete from his jacket. He struck the 19-year-old man in the head with it, causing facial injuries. He then attacked the woman, who suffered from a cut to her head. The attackers only stopped when eyewitnesses intervened. According to the Berliner Zeitung, the attack on the couple may have been politically motivated: the two men were shouting anti-constitutional slogans. Among them, “Sieg Heil.” Source: morgenpost

News from Germany

Iran questions Ramstein’s role in USA attacks

The Iranian ambassador to Germany, Majid Nili, has demanded a “clarification” from the German government regarding Ramstein: is the USA use of the air base for attacks on Iran an “act of aggression” as defined by UN Resolution 3314? According to this resolution, an “act of aggression” is defined as any attack by one state against another from the territory of another state. The Ramstein air base has a special status. It is located on German territory but enjoys immunity similar to a foreign embassy. German Defense Minister Boris Pistorius (SPD) currently sees no reason to restrict the US use of Ramstein for the war against Iran. Source: dw

Merz links “exploding violence” to immigration

On March 25 in the Bundestag, Chancelor Friedrich Merz (CDU) rejected the accusation by Green Party legal policy expert Lena Gumnior that he was not addressing the issue of protecting women from digital sexual violence. “It’s not just women in this country who are talking about this topic, but also many men,” the Christian Democrat said. “And I’m one of them.” Besides, in response to a question from CSU MP Susanne Hierl, Merz elaborated further. “We are seeing an explosion of violence in the digital sphere as well as in the real world,” he stated. He added that “a considerable portion of this violence originates from the immigrant community.” Source: fr

“We can no longer feed our children”

What began as a sanction procedure against Berlin-based journalist Hüseyin Doğru (who founded red.media in 2023) has now become a humanitarian crisis for him and his family. After the journalist, sanctioned by the EU since May 2025, was already largely cut off from financial transactions, the Central Office for Sanctions Enforcement (ZfS) has now also “secured” his wife’s accounts. For the family, such a measure is a threat to their very existence. Doğru told the Berliner Zeitung that “currently, we have only 104 euros for our three children and ourselves. Before, I couldn’t provide for my children myself. Now, no one can provide for them.” Source: bz

Inflation in Germany jumps to 2.7%

Inflation in Germany rose sharply to 2.7% in March. The Federal Statistical Office in Wiesbaden announced this on March 30 based on a preliminary estimate. This is the highest inflation rate in a long time. In February, the rate was 1.9%, following 2.1% in January. Energy prices, in particular, have risen sharply since the start of the war with Iran. Prices for oil and gas have skyrocketed on world markets. Most recently, the price of Brent crude oil from the North Sea was hovering around $109 per barrel (159 liters). Food prices overall have not yet risen as sharply. However, some individual prices have increased significantly year-on-year. For example, beef and veal became 11.9% more expensive, and fruit 4.8%. Source: faz

Hesse’s AfD has a new Youth Organisation

On March 28 in Fulda, 50 young members of the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) founded the party’s new youth organization in Hesse, the Generation Deutschland (Generation Germany, GD). Nafiur Rahman, a 27-year-old who came to Germany as the child of immigrants from Bangladesh, was elected chairman. The establishment of the GD state association comes five months after the founding of the GD federal association in Giessen. Previously, the Junge Alternative (Young Alternative, JA), the original AfD youth organization, had dissolved itself nationwide, after being classified as confirmed right-wing extremist. Unlike the JA, which was an independent association, GD is legally and organizationally part of the AfD, increasing the parent party’s ability to intervene in it. Source: hessenschau

State plans to ban headscarves in courtrooms

Judges and public prosecutors in Brandenburg will no longer be allowed to wear religiously or politically motivated clothing and symbols in court. Headscarves, kippahs, and crosses that are visible would thus be prohibited during trials. The red-black state government intends to introduce a neutrality law for the judiciary. The goal is to ensure that citizens can trust that judicial decisions are made purely based on law. The Ministry of Justice in Potsdam stated that no timeline exists for the legislative project. The ministry was unable to provide information on whether there are any female judges or trainee lawyers wearing headscarves in Brandenburg. Source: islamiq

6 April 2008 – Textile workers strike in Mahalla, Egypt

This week in working class history

On Sunday, 6th April 2008, textile workers in Mahalla el-Kubra in the Nile Delta struck against rising inflation, food prices and low wages. This led to a heated battle with riot police and security forces. President Hosni Mubarak responded by sending in thousands of troops to crush the so-called “Mahalla Intifada”. The inhabitants of Mahalla responded by two days of rioting. After police attacked a demonstration with rubber bullets, 40,000 demonstrated in a city with 500,000 inhabitants.

The Mahalla uprising had its roots in the Egyptian solidarity movement with the Palestinian Intifada in 2000, which saw the biggest demonstrations in Egypt in a generation. One of the slogans of those demonstrations was: “The road to Jerusalem passes through Cairo”. Demonstrators, many of whom were too frightened of repression to fight for themselves, asked why the Mubarak government was doing nothing to help the Palestinians. At the time, Egypt was Israel’s main supplier of gas.

In 2006, the mainly female workers in Mahalla went on strike for three days after the Egyptian government failed to deliver promised pay rises for public sector workers. One year later, there was another garment workers’ strike across the Nile Delta. Workplace action both, hit Egyptian capitalism in the pocket and was able to protect people protesting against Mubarak’s dictatorship. Before 1990 strikes were unthinkable. They were now a central part of the resistance’s armoury.

Mahalla was a catalyst. Interviewed by The Left Berlin about Mahalla, Egyptian journalist Hossam el-Hamalawy said: “The news and images of the riots got out to everyone, who saw people from Mahalla stamping their feet on Mubarak posters. And this signaled the beginning of the end of the Mubarak dictatorship. Strikes were now happening everywhere, to the extent that newspapers were full of business experts who complained about the “plague of strikes” that had engulfed Egypt.”

The 2008 Mahalla strike was not fully successful, but it was an inspiration. The police were able to suppress the strike, but were powerless against the uprising which followed. A “facebook strike” in solidarity with the Mahalla textile workers helped unite the strikers with radical students. Less than three years later, a mass wave of action overthrew Mubarak. We know that the Egyptian revolution is unfinished, but Mahalla helps to show how it could be completed.